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And must we then resign the hope

These Elements of changing?
And must we still, alas ! be told

That after all his ranging,
The Captain could discover nought

But Water in the Fountains ?
Must Forests still be form'd of Trees?

Oi Rugged Rocks the Mountains ?

Let dusky Sally henceforth bear

The name of Isabella;
And let the mountain, all of salt,

Be christeu'd Monticella-
The hog with navel on his back

Tom Pain may be when drunk, sir
And Joël call the Prairie-dog,

Which once was call'd a Skunk, sir.

We never will be so fubb'd off,

As sure as I'in a sinner!
Come - jet us all subscribe, and ask

The hero to a dinner -
And Barlow stanzas shall indite --
A bard, the tide who tames,

sir And if we cannot alter things,

By G-, we 'll change their names, sir !

And when the wilderness shall rield (4)

To bumpers, bravely brimming,
A nobler victory than men; -

While all our beads are swimming,
We'll dash the bottle on the wall

And name (the thing's agreed on)
Our first-rate-ship United States,

The flying frigate Fredon.
True -- Tom and Joël now, no more

Can overturn a nation;
And work, by butchery and blood,

A great regeneration;
Yet, still we can turn inside out

Old Nature's Constitution,
And bring a Babel back of names -

Huzza! for REVOLUTION!

Let old Columbus be once more

Degraded from his glory; And not a river by his name

Remember him in story -For what is old Discovery

Compar'd to that which new is? Strike -- strike Columbia river out,

And put in - river Lewis!

Mr. MATTHEWS communicated the following paper:

Thomas PAINE AND THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. In a work printed in 1809 Stephen C. Carpenter wrote of Jefferson that “ to him the credit of drawing up the Declaration of Independence has been, perhaps more generally than truly, given by the public.” 1 A statement like this, found in

payment for his tuition, appears so modest and reasonable, that we should make no objection, were it not that the wages must be deducted from the scanty pittance of poor Columbus. He has already been so grossly defrauded by the name of this hemisphere, that we cannot hear with patience a proposal to strip him of that trifling substitute of a river, which had so late and so recently been bestowed upon him.

We invite the attention of the reader to the rare molesty of Mr. Barlow himself, who, in committing this spoliation upon the fame of Columbus, does not even allow him the chance of an adjudication, . . but undertakes, by self-created authority, to make proclamation for the whole nation, and to pronounce the decree for all ages!

(4) “ Victory over the wilderness, which is more interesting, than that over men." -Barlow's Toast at the Dinner.

1 Memoirs of Jefferson, 1. 11.

In the Menzies Catalogue (p. 66), prepared by Sabin in 1875, is quoted a pagsage from some source not specified from which the following extract is taken :

A small number of copies – I think twenty — were bound, and one of them was brought to the late Samuel M. Hopkins, then a young lawyer in Auburn,

a work so libellous, it is said, that neither printer nor publisher
dared put his name on the titlepage, and of which all but
about twenty copies are alleged to have been suppressed, is
too vague for serious discussion. Within the past few

however, attempts have been made to show that Thomas
Paine had a hand in the actual drafting of the Declaration.
In 1899 Ellery Sedgwick wrote:

Paine was now a marked man to those who knew the authorship of Common Sense ; and Jefferson, whose intimacy with him dates from this time, seems to have sought bis advice concerning the language of the instrument. There is little evidence to show that words of Paine's were actually incorporated by Jefferson; but his iufluence appeared in a fine passage of the preliminary draft denouncing slavery. This clause was born before its time, and did not live in the Declaration of Independence."

In an interesting article called “To the Memory of Thomas Paine,” which has appeared within a year in a London paper, the writer said, “ But modern scepties who contemn the abstract idealism of the man who helped to draft the Declaration of Independence must not be permitted to deceive us."? Still more recently Mr. James M. Dow of Liverpool has spoken of “ Thomas Paine, who, students now admit, was joint author of the American Declaration of Independence."3 Finally, in a letter to the present writer dated December 26, 1909, Mr. Dow asserts that “in this country,” that is, Eng.

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N. Y., for his opinion. Mr. Hopkins dipped into the book; read some twenty
or thirty pages here and there; and informed the printer that“ he found, on the
average, a libel to every page.” On this the memoir was suppressed.

The Samuel M. Hopkins (1772-1837) referred to was apparently living in
New York City in 1809, and seems never to have lived at Auburn, though his
son (1813–1901) of the same name was long a professor in the Auburn Theo-
logical Seminary. In an autobiographical sketch written in 1832 and printed in
1898 in the Publications of the Rochester Historical Society, 11. 1-42, the elder
Hopkins does not mention the incident narrated above.

Mr. Worthington C. Ford informs me that Carpenter's book is by no means
so rare as the statements in auction catalogues indicate.

1 Life of Thomas Paine, 22.
2 The Nation, London, May 8, 1909, v. 189.
& Notes and Queries, July 17, 1909, 10th Series, xii. 44.

The substance of the present paper was printed in Notes and Queries of Decem-
her 4, 1909, 10th Series, xii. 441-443. In his note to me of December 26, 1909,
Mr. Dow says that " After inquiring into the facts about the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, I have come to the conclusion tnat you are correct in ascribing its sole
authorship to Jefferson.” See also Notes and Queries of January 15, 1910, 53.

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land," the opinion is wide-spread that Paine was co-author" of the Declaration.

We are all familiar with the well-known tendency of a biographer to “ claim everything" - if I may be allowed the expression - on behalf of the person whose life he is writing; and with the way in which a proposition, put forward as possible, is soon regarded as probable, and finally emerges as a certainty. Is not the latter illustrated in these remarks? Mr. Sedgwick merely suggests that Paine's " influence" appeared in a passage of the preliminary draft - a passage, be it noted, not adopted; the anonymous writer declares that Paine - helped to draft” the Declaration; while Mr. Dow boldly calls Paine the "joint author" of the Declaration. That Paine's “ Common Sense,” published January 9, 1776,1 exerted a remarkable influence in favor of independence was freely admitted by Paine's contemporaries, and has since been universally acknowledged by historians; but that Paine had any share in the actual drafting of the Declaration of Independence is a totally different matter. Neither of the above writers brings forward any proof in support of this proposition ; but there can be no doubt that all three hark back to Moncure D. Conway. In 1892 Conway said that "the Declaration embodied every principle he [Paine) had been asserting, and indeed Cobbett is correct in saying that whoever may have written the Declaration Paine was its author"2; and that Paine's “ first pamphlet [' Common Sense'] had dictated the Declaration of Independence." 3 It will be observed that these two passages are capable of a double interpretation : they may refer to the Declaration as a document, or to the Declaration as an historical event. But however interpreted, Conway's own statement and that attributed by him to Cobbett* aie alike preposterous. Elsewhere in the same

1 The date usually given is January 10, 1776, because the pamphlet was advertised in the Pennsylvania Journal of that date. But an advertisement dated “ Philadelphia, January 9, 1776" was inserted in the Pennsylvania Evening Post of January 9, 1776 (11. 15), which begins, “ THIS day was published, and is now selling by Robert Bell, in Third-street (price hillings) COMMON SENSE addressed to the inhabitants of AMERICA, on the following interesting SUBJECTS.” Attention was called to this advertisement, though it was not quoted, in Tyler's Literary History of the American Revolution, 1. 469 note.

: Life of Paine, 1. 81; 8 1. 91.

4 Where Cobbett makes this statement, I do not know. It is not in his Life of Paine, published in 1796, nor in Thomas Paine : a Sketch of his Life and

work Conway attempts to be more precise, for, referring to the period between June 7 and July 1, 1776, he says:

At this juncture Paine issued one of his most effective pamphlets, “A Dialogue between the Ghost of General Montgomery, Just Arrived from the Elysian Fields, and an American Delegate, in a Wood near Philadelphia.”

The allusion to the arming of negroes and Indians against America, and other passages, resemble clauses in one of the paragraphs eliminated from the original Declaration of Independence.

At this time Paine saw much of Jefferson, and there can be little doubt that the anti-slavery clause struck out of the Declaration was written by Paine, or by some one who had Paine's anti-slavery essay before him. In the following passages it will be observed that the antitheses are nearly the same infidel and Christian," "heathen and Christian."




He has waged cruel war against

- these inoffensive people are human nature itself, violating its brought into slavery, by stealing most sacred rights of life and lib them, tempting kings to sell suberty in the persons of a distant jects, which they can have no right people who never offended him, to do, and hiring one tribe to war captivating and carrying them into against another, in order to catch slavery in another hemisphere, or to prisoners. By such wicked and in. incur iniserable death in their trans human ways the English, etc. . portation thither.

This piratical an hight of outrage that seems left warfare, the opprobrium of INFI by Ileathen nations to be practised DEL powers, is the warfare of the by pretended Christians. CHRISTIAN king of Great Brit - that barbarous and hellish ain. Determined to keep open a power which has stirred up the

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Character, written jointly in 1819 by Cobbett and Madame Bonneville and first printed in Conway's Life of Paine, 11. 433-459. Very likely it will be found somewhere in Cobbett's Political Register, for in the issue of December 11, 1819, Cobbett employed this exaggerated language :

Divested of all its minor circumstances, the great question was, whether the colonists would submit to taxation without representation; whether they would submit to be taxed, either directly or indirectly, by a Parliament to which they sent no Members, or whether they would not. A little thing sometimes produces a good effect; an insult offered to a man of great talent and unconquerable perseverance has in many instances, produced, in the long run, most tremendous effects; and, it appears to me very clear that some beastly insults, offered to Mr. Paine, while he was in the Excise in England, was the real cause of the Revolution in America; for, though the nature of the cause of America was such as I have before described it; though the principles were firm in the minds of the people of that country; still, it was Mr. Paine, and Mr. Paine alone, wlio brought those principles into action (xXXV. 420-422).


Indians and Negroes to destroy us ;
the cruelty hath a double guilt
it is dealing brutally by us and
treacherously by them.

market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negatire for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them by murdering the people on whom he has obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against the LIVES of another.

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Thus did Paine try to lay at the corner the stone which the builders rejected, and which afterwards ground their descendants to powder.

The passage from Conway contains two distinct statements. First, that " at this time Paine saw much of Jefferson,” Conway offers no proof of this, and, so far as I am aware, none exists. Paine arrived at Philadelphia in December, 1774,2 at

i Life of Paine, 1. 79-81.

? The date given by Conway (Life of Paine, 1. 40) and by Tyler (Literary History of the American Revolution, 1. 452), perhaps following Conway, is November 30, 1774. I do not know the authority for that date; but I am able to adduce a new piece of evidence. Paine's Common Sense was attacked in a series of articles signed “Cato," written by the Rev. Dr. William Smith of the Philadelphia College (now the University of Pennsylvania). Paine replied in several articles under the signature of “The Forester.” In a letter dated April 28, 1776, John Adams said, “ The writer of Common Sense' and 'The Forester' is the same person, His name is Paine, a gentleman about two years ago from England, a man who, General Lee says, has genius in his eyes. ... Cato' is reported bere to be Doctor Smith - a match for Brattle” (Familiar Letters of John Adams and his Wife, 167). Adams's " about two years ago " is incorrect. In an autobiographical sketch sent Henry Laurens on January 14, 1779, Paine said, “I brought with me letters from Dr. Franklin. These letters were with a flying seal, that I might, if I thought proper, close them with a wafer. One was to Mr. Bache of this city. The terms of Dr. Franklin's recommendation were 'a worthy, ingenious, etc.'... I came some months before Dr. Franklin, and waited here for his arrival” (Writings, iv. 430). Franklin's letter to Bache, dated London, September 30, 1774, is printed in Bigelow's edition of Franklin's Works, V. 369-370. A letter by Paine to Franklin dated March 4, 1775, gives an count of his wretched trip across the ocean ; six weeks on shore before he was well enough to wait on Mr. Bache” (Calendar of the Papers of Benjanjin Franklin, 1. 168. An extratt from the letter is printed in Bigelow's edition of

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