tion. I am not ignorant, General, of the state of things here, tho I have not been disposed to trouble you about them. As, however, you have yourself addressed me a letter upon the subject I will, in reply, take the liberty of speaking my mind freely and without reserve, but in terms, I hope, respectful and courteous. I have for some time known that there were certain individuals who thirsted for my blood, and that sooner or later I should be sent to the Guillotin. The greater part of this click were formerly the bitter personal and political enemies of yourself and Mr. Van Buren, and who, because of my friendship and support of the latter gentleman, became also my enemies. Having been taken into favour and clothed with power and influence, they set themselves immediately to work to destroy the confidence of yourself and Mr. Van Buren in those who had been most active and efficient in the political advancement of you both. In this it appears they have too well succeeded, as regards myself, at least; for I could but mark the frigid change which has been steadily blighting the once cordial deportment you were both wonted to observe toward me, previous to the underminings of those new recruits from the ranks of your enemies.

Knowing how cruel and unjust their imputations were, as soon as I discovered the blighting effects they had produced upon the minds of those who above all others, should have turned a deaf ear to such falsehoods, I determined thenceforward to take no part in political matters during the remainder of my stay in this city, after Mr. Van Buren should be installed into office, unless his deportment towards me should be changed, and the principles of his administration such as I could support. In this state of mind I visited him occasionally after he had entered upon the duties of his office, and on several occasions attempted to converse with him upon political subjects in the same frauk and unreserved manner we had been in the habit of doing before our intercourse had been embarrassed and clouded with distrust. But his cold, reserved, and uncommunicative manner satisfied me that the work of alienation was complete that he was unwilling to confide his views and opinions to me as on former occasions. Mortifying as this must have been to one who had every disposition from previous personal and political preference to give Mr. Van Buren and his Administration a cordial support as far as it might seem in my judgement to promote the interest of the country, yet self respect dictated a corresponding reserve on my part. Accordingly I have had no other than a formal intercourse with him, and have declined, for the last twelve or eighteen months, all participation, pro or con, in the political affairs of his Administration. I know, however, it has been said that I occupy my time in opposing its measures, and it is very probable that both you and the president believe it. Be this as it may, I deny that there is any foundation in truth for such a charge. It has always been my habit, ever since I

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have held an office under the Government, to take no part when I could not approve of the measures of the Administration; and this is a rule that should, in my opinion, be observed by all office holders. But so far as the sin of omission to give my support is urged as a matter of reproach, I freely admit it. I am free to declare that my whole time now is occupied in the conscientious discharge of my official duties, and will continue to be, so long as I remain in office.

But if the character of his measures did not entirely justify me to myself in declining to advocate them, yet I would ask can the president, or any of his friends, justly complain of my neutrality after his cold and reserved course towards me? I think not; and would willingly leave it to every man's self respect to answer the question. Mr. Van Buren ought himself to know from his own experience of the past, that I am always willing to serve my friends, when I can do it without degradation or self debasement. He very well knows that no man exerted himself more in his behalf than I did, or stood by him with more unshrinking firmness in the darkest hour of his political existence — at a time too when his own personal friends of New York seemed disposed to leave him to his fate, to sink, without an effort to save him, beneath the party denunciations that were heaped upon his private and political character, while rendering eminent services to his country in a foreign land! Knowing this, as I say he did, how could he listen to the vile imputations cast upon me by those who, professing to be friends of the administration, yet would have rejoiced had he fallen beneath the blow aimed at him by the Senate! I may even ask you, General, in the spirit of our former friendship, whether this was either kind or just? Was it fulfilling the precept of our divine Saviour, which teaches us to do unto others, as we would they should do unto us? The coldest heart would scarcely be incompetent to appreciate my feelings when I first discovered the petrifying change in the deportment towards me, on the part of one whom I had laboured night and day, and on account of which I had drawn upon my devoted head the opposition's fiercest lightning! Could I, with a particle of self respect, have done otherwise than I have? It may look like vanity in me, but I shall ever believe that Mr. Van Buren was under deeper and more mighty obligations to me for his political advancement than to any other man living with the exception of yourself alone, as I can clearly show. You cannot but recollect, General, that before your installation into office even, I had several conversations with you upon the subject, and importance of looking to Mr. Van Buren as your successor for the same office. From that time to the day of his election I spared no pains, but exerted every honorable effort in my power to accomplish that object. And how has he requited those services? Why, sir, with suspicions of my fidelity, accompanied with cold and withering neglect, and finally he purposes,

if I understand the character of your letter, to send me home in official and political disgrace! My support of Mr. Van Buren was sincere, ardent, and disinterested; and I had a right to expect of him, if not kind treatment, at least justice; before condemning he should have heard me.

2

This is not an unfit occasion, General, to advert to a matter connected with the recent political history of him who, until within a few years past, had been one of our most zealous, and constant friends, in which great injustice was done to me by the persons to whom I have alluded in the first part of this letter. About four years ago in the early part of Judge White's canvass for the presidency, I was told that I was suspected of being instrumental in procuring his nomination. I had thought my opposition to that nomination, was so well known as to believe that the alledged suspicion did not even require a contradiction. However, when I was subsequently told by Mr. Blair that Mr. Senator Wright had spoken of it to him, as being believed by some of the friends of the administration, I immediately wrote to a friend of mine in Nashville, and requested him to state what had been my course in relation to Judge White's nomination. He stated in his answer that he knew of his own knowledge I had been opposed to the nomination of Judge White from its incipiency. And that letter I handed to Mr. Blair with a request that he would shew it to Mr. Wright, when he came to Washington. No one knew my sentiments on the subject better than the gentleman I allude to; and, in accordance with my wishes, he had strenuously opposed the Judge's nomination, by the members both of the Legislature and Convention of Tennessee, as it might interfere with the nomination that was expected to be made by the National Convention. The remarks of Mr. Wright to Mr. Blair were made known to me in the spring, or early in the summer, I think, of 1835.

I have never doubted, nor have I now any doubts, with regard to the persons who endeavoured to impress upon Mr. Wright's mind the belief that I had encouraged the nomination of Judge White, nor could I be mistaken in the motive. They had been the warm and devoted friends of Mr. Calhoun, and would have gone off with that

1 Hugh Lawson White, who incurred the lasting hatred of Jackson by differing from him and presuming to accept a nomination for the Presidency in 1836, in the hope of defeating Van Buren. From the closest friendship of many years Jackson and White parted, and Jackson at once placed all the supporters of White in the same category with the Hartford Convention in the North, and the nullifiers in the South, that is, as little short of traitors See Adams, Memoirs, 1x. 312, for a correct appreciation of the White candidacy 2 Francis Preston Blair, editor of the "Globe."

& Silas Wright, of New York.

gentleman after you and he quarrelled, if they had not been afraid to do so. I had, in consequence of my opposition to Mr. Calhoun and support of Mr. Van Buren, incurred their unrelenting hostility, and they were determined to embrace the very first opportunity of wreaking their vengeance on me. They have now great power and influence with this Administration, and urged the president last winter to dismiss me from office, as I have been told and believe. Having failed in this (as yet) I am constrained to believe, General, they are now trying to accomplish their object thro' you. What a lamentable state of things is this that you should be required to sacrifice your friends for having faithfully done their duty to you, to gratify those who were then doing every thing in their power to sustain your bitterest and most powerful enemy!

As a still further evidence of the injustice, as well as unfairness with which I was treated by those real Simon Pures of the party, I was told they affected to believe that because I was not heard denouncing, in unmeasured terms, as was then the fashion, Judge White and his friends, I must of course be in favour of his election! How very conclusive this reasoning! Still it was used as an argument against me, notwithstanding I had stated to the Judge himself that I could not support his election, and had over and over again, so declared to his leading friends. No one regretted more than I did that he had been brought out for the presidency, but I did not think that a sufficient reason for denouncing him. I have never been in the habit of denouncing any one for exercising their constitutional privileges. Much less was I disposed to denounce one of the oldest, most distinguished, and respectable citizens of my own State. If, however I had even felt an inclination to do so, considerations of policy would have prevented it, because I always believed, and often stated to Mr. Blair that such a course was calculated, better than any other, to defeat the very object he had in view. My experience in life has satisfied me that men may be led but driven, never.

But you say, General, that the contemplated removals from office, are to be made upon the principle of rotation! If so, and it be carried out fairly, I have not a word to say. I shall show that I can front the storm as well as the best, and perhaps better than some of those who are probably urging it forward, under the false security of supposing that every promotion they have been favoured with, obliterates the time they had previously enjoyed office; and, therefore, might continue in office during their lives, and not be amenable to the rule of rotation. But I protest against any such quibble, and equally do I protest against any rule that does not work both ways, even if it be ever so bad a rule. For example, Mr. Kendall and myself came into office at the same time. Now what I desire to know, is, whether Mr. Kendall is expected in

good faith, also to go out under this rule? In taking a comparative survey of our respective claims, I cannot be mistaken, and I can safely appeal to you to sustain me, when I say I have done as much for the party that brought us here as he has; and a great deal more for Mr. Van Buren, and that too without fee or reward. I think therefore, if I am expected to go out under this rule, even handed justice, regarding our cases alone, would require him not only to do the same thing, but to lead the way. But in relation to this principle of rotation, I embrace this occasion to enter my solemn protest against it, as a general rule; not on account of my office, but because I hold it to be fraught with the greatest mischief to the Country. If ever it shall be carried out in extenso, the days of this Republic will, in my opinion, have been numbered. For whenever the impression shall become general that the Government is only valuable on account of its officers, the great and paramount interest of the Country will be lost sight of, and the Government itself ultimately destroyed. This at least is the honest conviction of my mind, with regard to these novel doctrines of rotation in office. Allow me now, General, to say a few words in relation to another part of your letter. It leads me back to the contemplation of past times, and awakens in my bosom sensations that may be imagined, but cannot be expressed. You advise me to resign my office and come home. You are anxious, you say, "as my private friend," that I shall do this, rather than "suffer myself to be removed"! Removal from office, General, unless for official delinquency (and of that I have no fears,) has no terrors for me! If Mr. Van Buren is disposed to cancel his obligations for services rendered, in that way, so be it. I shall take no steps to prevent it. But I do not know, General, that I comprehend your meaning when you call yourself my private friend. I am bound to say that there was a time when I believe you were my friend, a sincere friend, in the broadest sense of the term, and without qualification. And why were you my friend? Because you well knew that no human being that ever lived could be more sincerely and disinterestedly attached to another than I was to you. For ten years before you were brought forward by the Legislature of Tennessee for the presidency, I was your friend, and supported you, to the extent of my poor abilities, in all your trials and difficulties, both military and personal. After your nomination by the Legislature of Tennessee in 1822 for the presidency, I may say my whole time was devoted to your cause, until the efforts of your friends were crowned with success by your triumphant election in 1828. Who, General, was it that was mainly instrumental in hunting up and embodying the volumes of testimony which were published by the "Nashville Jack

1 Kendall held the office of Postmaster General till May, 1840. He had been appointed to it by Jackson, and his commission dated from May 1, 1835.