MONTHLY CATALOGUE,

For MARCH, 1800.

IRELAND.

Art. 15. Speech of Patrick Duigenan, LL.D. in the Irish House of Commons, Wednesday, Feb. 5, 1800, on the Subject of an Incorporating Union between Great Britain and Ireland. 8vo. Is. 63. Wright.

THIS animated and eloquent politician, with whom our readers are already acquainted, here answers the principal objections which have been started against the Union, by the Partizans of "Things as they are;" concluding his powerful oration by a very striking display of the dreadful consequences which, in his strong apprehension, must attend the non-compliance of Ireland with the proffer of National Incorporation with Great Britain. The picture is so horrid, that we shall not attempt to copy it; chusing rather to refer to the original, as here exhibited. In the following paragraph, the author takes leave of his auditory, with an assertion of his integrity, with regard to his own views on the subject of this address:

WE HAVE NOW OUR CHOICE; whether we will rush on our own ruin, or embrace with joy the measure of an INCORPORATING UNION, the sure pledge of national Happiness, Prosperity, and Security. Unconnected as I am with the Government, or its Ministers, both in England and Ireland, and attached to it only as a good and loyal subject, in spite of clamour and faction, I must express my sincere wish that the Nation may adopt the latter measure. I have long since made my choice;

Art. 16.

• Non ardor Civium prava jubentium

Mente quatit solidâ.'

Union or Separation. Written some Years since by the Rev. Dr. Tucker, Dean of Glocester, and now first published in this Tract, upon the same Subject, by the Rev. Dr. Clarke, Secretary for the Library and Chaplain to his R. H. the Prince of Wales With an Appendix on the Political, Commercial, and Civil State of Ireland. 3d Edition. 8vo. 2 S. Hatchard.

1799.

This is the tract to which we imperfectly alluded in our last Review, p. 199. We were misled by the sameness of the title-page, to confound Dr. Clarke's tract, [now, for the first time, before us] with that of Mr. R. Farrel, formerly reviewed: but we are now set right by a perusal of Dr. C.'s publication, for a copy of which we are obliged to the courtesy of the respectable author.—It is a valuable production:-but it is needless for us to recommend it to our readers, after the praise so justly bestowed on it in the House of Lords, March 19, 1799, as containing more sound sense, more information, and more knowlege of the world, than volumes which have been written on the subject," that of the Union, &c.

Art. 17. Political, Commercial, and Civil State of Ireland. By the Rev. Dr. Clarke, Chaplain to the Prince of Wales. Svo. Is. 6d. Hatchard.

1799.

In this tract, the views, estimates, statements, and conclusions, of the ingenious writer, all terminate clearly in favour of an incorporate union of the sister islands; and his arguments in general well deserve the attention of every impartial reader.

Art. 18. The Speech at length of Henry Grattan, Esq. in the Irish House of Commons, against the Union with Great Britain. 8vo. IS. Jordan. 1800.

Mr. Grattan's determined hostility to the new political arrangements between the sister islands is sufficiently known to the world. In his oratorical exertions, he is usually declamatory; in this speech, however, he is more than commonly argumentative :-in either mode, it must be acknowleged by all parties, he is a formidable antagonist. He is still, with characteristic consistency, hostile to the grand proposition; declaring, in the concluding sentence of this publication, that were he expiring on the floor,' he should 'beg to utter his last breath, and to record his dying testimony.'

Art. 19. A Narrative of what passed at Killala, in the County of Mayo, and the Parts adjacent, during the French Invasion, in the Summer of 1798. By an Eye-witness. 8vo.

Pp. 148. 2s. 6d. Dublin printed; London reprinted for Stockdale. 1800. Another Edition, 8vo. pp. 182. 3s. 6d. Wright. This narrative is evidently the production of the Bishop of Killala; who assigns the following reason for his having undertaken the task,

viz:

As I know that inaccurate accounts of remarkable events must at length be taken for true, and be adopted by the historian if he is not supplied with better, I feel myself drawn, against my liking, by the very imperfect narratives I have yet seen of what passed at Kil lala, while foreign and domestic enemies possessed that town, in the summer of 1798, to state as much as fell under my observation at that critical period.'

His Lordship's account is so very circumstantial, that it cannot but prove particularly interesting to the generality of readers; espe cially to the inhabitants of that part of the country in which the incidents here recorded actually occurred. The relation will not fail also to engage the attention of many readers in this kingdom; who will be pleased with the prudence, moderation, and candor manifested by the very reputable narrator towards the different parties, on this dif ficult occasion,-invaders and all.

The French troops left at Killala, exclusive of the Irish insurgents who joined them, amounted only to about 200. The officers quar tered themselves on the good Bishop and his family; who entertained these unwelcome guests with perfect hospitality. Their stay at Killala was about a month; when they were obliged (General Humbert, with the main body, not being near enough at hand to reinforce them,) to surrender to a division of the English army.

Art. 20. An Examination into the Principles contained in a Pamphlet, entitled the Speech of Lord Minto, with some Remarks upon a Pamphlet, entitled Observations on that Part of the Speaker's Speech which relates to Trade. By the Right Hon. Barry, Earl Farnham, 8vo. pp. 61. Dublin. 1800.

This respectable nobleman has had the hardihood to enter the lists against so powerful an antagonist as Lord Minto, whose much applauded performance we lately reviewed *;-and the combatants are not very unequally matched:

"When Greek meets Greek, then comes the tug of war!" The patriotic champion of Ireland attacks his adversary on all the principal points of this eager conflict of opinions and views:-but although the onset is vigorous, all is fair and liberal in the deportment of the combatants indeed, on the part of Lord Minto, the contest is not yet become personal. As in the very advanced stage of this great national controversy, it is not for us to venture into the pith and moment of the argument, we trust that our readers will rest satisfied with the following transcript of Lord Farnham's concluding summary of the principal ramifications of this question.

The measure which has been under consideration is so momentous in its consequences, and so complicated in its nature, that it requires the most attentive investigation. I have endeavoured to examine it in its various ramifications, and to view it in its different bearings, I have particularly attende: to your Lordship's position, that the only mode of connexion which can remove the evil of separation, or confer the benefit of Union, is a perfect identity of government. This you lay down as the criterion to determine whether such Legislative Union ought to be formed between these two nations. For this purpose have examined the nature of the connexion intended to be formed, agreeable to the outlines laid before his Majesty by the Parliament of Great Britain, from which it clearly appears, that if such connexion shall take place, every distinctness in revenue, taxation, and expenditure now subsisting between the two kingdoms will continue, and consequently, that they will not be thereby identified. I therefore consider myself justified by your Lordship's authority in asserting, that such Union ought not to be adopted; it has been shewn, that the great object of the minister in the pursuit of this measure, is to acquire the command over the purse of Ireland. This will be pro cured by the Union, through the immense majority of British members in the united Parliament. Should an Union take place, Ireland will be chargeable with a proportion of the expences of the empire, her own sinking fund, and at least the interest of her own debt. Taxes must necessarily be laid on for providing for such expences which shall extend to that kingdom only, they will be imposed nominally by the united Parliament, but actually by the majority of British members in such Parliament. Of the taxes thus confined to Ireland in their operation, those British members will not feel the pressure, nor will either they or those whom they represent be in any sort affected by them. By the Constitution, the power of taxation is lodged in those who are to pay them, the people; this arrangement

See M. Rev. June, p. 217.

furnishes

furnishes a security, that such power shall not be improperly encreased, but that constitutional check will here be undermined, and the people of Ireland will be taxed by the representatives of another people, who do not participate in the burthens they impose. Although unaccustomed to write, I have ventured to lay my thoughts before the public, in the plain language of common sense upon that momentous question, which must determine whether Ireland shall continue to enjoy a free Constitution, or become a province of Great Britain. I shall now with all due respect take my leave of your Lordship, relying upon the good sense of my Countrymen, that they will resist this ruinous measure.

FARNHAM.'

Lord Farnham modestly alludes to his not being much in the habit of writing. We see no occasion for any apology on this head, though we have observed some slight inaccuracies: but they are lost in the vast importance and interest of the subject, and in the spirit and ar dour of the investigation.

AGRICULTURE, &c.

Art. 21. An Answer to Lord Somerville's Address to the Board of Agriculture, on the Subject of Sheep and Wool, on the 14th of May, 1799:-or to such Part of it as relates to the Substitution of English for Spanish Wools, in the Manufacture of Superfine Cloths. 4to. Is. Cadell jun. and Davies.

Art. 22. Reply to a Treatise called an Answer to the President's Address to the Board of Agriculture on the Subject of Sheep and Wool, &c. &c. 4to. IS. Nicol.

Uniformity of opinion is no more to be expected in trade than in religion; we must therefore allow clothiers, as well as doctors, to disagree. The author of the Answer to Lord Somerville's Address declares himself to be engaged in a woollen manufactory of considerable extent; and he asserts, from his own experience, that Spanish wool is necessary to the manufacture of the best superfines, and that the first manufacturers in the counties of Glocester, Wilts, and Somerset, make no mixture of English with Spanish wool in their superfine claths. He is therefore disposed to smile at the President's resolution, never again to wear superfine cloth, nor kerseymere, any part of which is of foreign growth. Independently of this, the addresser is of opinion that it would be bad policy to discourage the importation of Spanish wool:

The principal fact, (he says,) which I mean to oppose to Lord Somerville's theory, is, that the growth of English wool is now barely sufficient for the consumption of the manufactures of the country; that no stock of English wool remains on hand from one year to the other; consequently, that every pound of Spanish wool brought into this country, and worked up in it, is so much additional employ-, ment and profit to the country.'

In answer to this, the author of the Reply subjoins, True! import wool from Spain; the more the better; leave not a pound in that country; but if the interest of this country be an object, export

X 4

every

every pound again when worked up pay the Spaniard for the raw material, and be repaid by the Turk for it; when manufactured, he wants it; we want it not, and are fools to pay the difference of price.. The manufacturer is paid his wages, and the heart of the poor gladdened alike, in either case.'

A specimen of British superfine cloth is exhibited in the margin of the Reply, which seems to be an excellent manufacture; and at all events we ought to encourage the growth of fine wools, that we may be as little dependent as possible on a foreign supply. Yet, with all our improvements in the breed of sheep, it may be as impossible for the Yorkshire clothier to manufacture a superfine equal to what can be made from the finest Spanish wool, as for a Norwich manufacturer to produce from his looms shawls equal to those which are imported from India. The author of the Reply may be right in asserting that cloths made of the best English wools are good enough for ourselves; and the Answerer may be equally right in saying that they will not be so fine as those which are made of Spanish wool. There will be a difference in the produce of different countries.-The Reply contains the whole of the Answer, which is discussed paragraph after para. graph.

POLITICAL, &c.

Art. 23. Observations upon the Introduction to the Third Part of the Copies of Original Letters from the French Army in Egypt. Svo.

1s. 6d. Debrett.

These strictures are written with that ability, and that acuteness of criticism, which well entitle them to the attention of those who have perused the publication to which they refer. It is obvious that they come from the pen of no vulgar oppositionist, or unenlightened advocate for peace.

The writer of the preface here criticized, (who, it is intimated by the critic, is a well-known confidential friend of the minister,) having, in the ardour of his investigation of the materials before him, poured out a torrent of personal invective against Bonaparte, [the trim and fashion of the day!] the remarker has given a pointed summary of the matter brought in charge against the obnoxious consul, condensed under three general heads: which we shall here introduce in his own words, when speaking of the magnanimous resolution of government never to pledge their hopes of peace on the sincerity of one whose course has been fraud, on the humanity of one whose business has been blood,-on the steadiness and consistency of one whose element is revolution.'

It will be readily allowed,' says the present observer, and as deeply lamented by all the real friends to humanity, that the business of blood has been, of late years, but too extensively carried on throughout every quarter of the globe. Whether Bonaparte has been so egregious a monopolist of this hateful traffic, as to have debarred the great potentates of Europe from the enjoyment of their due propor

* The Notes to those materials attract also the attention of our observer.'