.

POLITICAL, &c.

Considerations concerning Peace.

Art. 34. By a Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. Svo. Is. 6d. Hatchard. 1800. A lively and ardent advocate for the return of peaceable times here states the common arguments on both sides of the Great Question, "Peace or War?" according to the present circumstances; and this he does with as much fairness and impartiality, as can reasonably be expected from him who openly stands forth as the cordial friend of one of the two alternatives, and the decided enemy of the other. There is an air of novelty in his mode of thinking and reasoning on this most highly interesting subject, which will keep the reader's attention alive to the matter proposed to his consideration: but some of the writer's notions may appear fanciful; as where he supposes that our Prime Minister will in course, as Minister, prefer He proposes, indeed, a method for inducing Mr. Pitt to become the immediate and happy instrument of peace to this country: but, for the particulars of his plan, we must refer to his pamphlet, p. 5. et seq.

war.

The writer's arguments, however, in support of his idea of official influence over a Minister's conduct in regard to Peace and War, do not appear such as will be universally deemed unworthy of the serious regard of the public. On the whole, it were to be wished that this little tract could obtain a general circulation, and be seriously perused among those ranks of people who have leisure to reflect, and inclination to judge, with the utmost freedom from party influence: but what is our hope, at present, that among us such freedom exists! Speech of the Right Hon. William Pitt, delivered in the House of Commons, Feb. 3, 1800, on a Motion for an Address to the Throne, approving of the Answers returned to the Com. munications from France relative to a Negotiation for Peace. 8vo. 25. Wright. 1800.

Art. 35.

The adversaries of Mr. Pitt never call in question his oratorical powers; which seem on no occasion to have been more successfully exerted than on the present. We doubt not that the speech before us will be perused on account of its eloquence, and of the ability which it displays, when the tide of ages shall have swept out of view the important question of which it treats.-The publication apparently possesses more of fidelity and accuracy than generally belong to those of this class. Why do our orators think it beneath them to preserve from oblivion the efforts of their eloquence? This age, we are certain, would furnish specimens in no respect inferior to those which electrified Greece, and called forth the unbounded applauses of Rome. A regard for their own fame, for the honor of the age, and for the gratification of posterity, constitute not the only reasons to be assigned in favor of this practice. It would make future ages more witnesses of the transactions of the present day; it would add to the incitements to integrity; and it would furnish additional checks to corruption,

The Minister here labours to lay the guilt of aggression to the charge of France; and we think that he has been more successful

in the present than in any former attempt. Many, who were once decidedly of opinion that France was not really the aggressor, now own that recent publications have very much shaken that opinion: but perhaps the farther disclosure of documents is necessary to a complete solution of this complicated question, now more curious than important. In the present speech, the character of the French Revolution is ably developed, and the dangers with which it threatens Europe are strongly depicted: we should be glad to have it proved that these dangers are less real than they are here stated to be. The orator's attack on the conduct and character of the chief Consul is as able in its kind, as any thing to be found among the remains of antient, or the happiest displays of modern eloquence. Indignation is worked up to the highest pitch, and made to bear with fearful force upon its object; and while, as a whole, this act of accusation is most powerful, some strokes which occur in the course of it may boast peculiar felicity. The reference to the threat of dictating peace to England on the banks of the Thames, the promise made to Venice and the subsequent conduct, and the comments on the instructions to General Kleber, are of this sort.-If the governors of belligerent states be destined, like the heroes of Homer, to engage in contests of invective, this attack on Bonaparte will furnish a lesson for future combatants. The Consul may have soldiers and commanders who will match those of his enemies: but we think that he will look in vain, throughout the whole territory of the republic, for a champion who can wield the weapons of declamation so dextrously as the British Prime Minister.

Of the other and more important merits of the speech, we need not say much. It has been submitted to a more severe ordeal. Immediately on its delivery, it underwent the examination of the greatmaster of debate, and a more critical and able scrutiny even he never conducted. Many fair and promising outworks certainly gave way before this masterly attack: but whether the minister has been wholly beaten off the ground, we leave to the determination of the public. To us, the matter appears to stand thus: prima facie, it makes against any power to reject pacific offers: but, if the offers be insidious, if demonstrably they cannot come to a favorable issue, is a state, in compliance with mere ceremony, and to the manifest pre judice of its interests, obliged to listen to such overtures at all times, at the will of its enemy? Was it morally certain that, at the time in question, feasible terms could not have been obtained from France? Would treating at all, at that time, have paralized the alliance? Was there fair ground for expecting, that a farther continuance of the war could reduce France within limits compatible with the interests of Britain, and the safety of Europe; and that a short prolongation of the contest would cause the peace to be more than proportionably secure and durable? Can France have the Alps and the Rhine

* See p. 314. of the Review for March. The public are pro bably aware that a very correct edition of Mr. Fox's speech has been published by Debrett: that which came into our hands was prior, but far less accurate.

Ff4

for

for boundaries, and Switzerland and Holland in her power, without being dangerous to Europe?

These questions must be satisfactorily resolved, before judgment can be given in this cause.-Schemes for punishing Bonaparte and avenging the Bourbons we do not consider to be British concerns: if the Minister be engaged in any such projects, we regret it, and we wholly dissent from him on those points; but, as far as it is his object to reduce the power of France, whether she be republican or monarchical, so as to incapacitate her from disturbing the peace of Europe, and endangering the security of the British empire, every enlightened lover of his country must wish him

success.

Art. 36. Substance of the Speech of the Hon. Thomas Erskine, in the House of Commons, 3d of February, 1800; on the Motion for an Address to the Throne approving the Refusal of Ministers to treat with the French Republic. 8vo. IS. Debrett.

Mr. Erskine's eloquence will always engage the cager attention of the public; and his fixed and consistent political principles are so well known, that no one will wonder at his total disapprobation of the negative answer given by our government to the late pacific proposal from France. This animated condemnation of the conduct of our Minister, in the present instance, merits preservation among collections of the State-papers of the times.

Art. 37. Thoughts on the late Overtures of the French Government to this Country, in a Letter to the Right Hon. William Pitt. Written previous to the Recommencement of Hostilities in the Spring of the Year 1800. 8vo. 6d. Hatchard.

This nameless politician highly approves the conduct of our gevernment in rejecting the late pacific overture from France, and as highly compliments Mr. Pitt, in particular, for whatever share he had in that measure. On the other hand, the French Consul is plenteously be-rogu'd, be-fool'd, and be-scoundrel'd, for his impudence as he doubtless ought to be, by every loyal, British subject! A dog! if we but had him here, in Leather-lane, we'd teach him to cry " PEACE, peace, when there is NO PEACE!" *

Art. 38. The Question of Scarcity plainly stated, and Remedies considered. With Observations on permanent Measures to keep Wheat at a more regular Price. By Arthur Young, Esq. F. R. S. 8vo. 28. Richardson. 1800.

Plenty and Scarcity must both make themselves manifest: but in the one case the grower gets too little for his grain, and in the other too much. If there were so little in hand of the crop of 1798, as has been stated, to aid the deficient crop of 1799, the price of wheat in 1798 ought to have been higher than it then was: if the surplus in hand exceeded what has been stated, the present price of corn is too high. The fact is, that, when fear and alarm seize the public mind, and farmers possess themselves with the idea of advantageous markets, it is difficult to elicit the truth in the ordinary methods of inquiry.

It is certain that what are termed scarce seasons always enrich the agriculturist; and every investigation of a public nature, whether by the Legislature, or by Boards, or by Committees, appointed for the purpose, uniformly effects a rise in the price of grain, and augments the agricultural capital of the kingdom. The question of scarcity is favorable to farmers, and they will answer it with a view to their own interest: how, then, are we to depend on a correspondence with them, as designed to ascertain the quantity of grain? Can we expect them to say to themselves, "we ought to be satisfied with 181. or 201. per load for our wheat," when, by the least hint of the danger of famine, they are likely to obtain from 251. to 30l. per load? We may fairly suppose that the quantity of corn in the kingdom exceeds their statements: yet it must be owned that, through the visitation of Heaven, the last harvest was unproductive, that therefore the deficiency is real,—and that an advanced price is necessary and unavoidable.

Mr. Arthur Young has endeavoured to collect and exhibit a variety of facts and inferences on the important subject of his present pamphlet ; as,

I. That an average crop is between 22 and 24 bushels per acre. II. That the people increase more than cultivation extends *. III. That the deficiency amounts to about one-third, and therefore accounts for the scarcity without recurring to any other cause . IV. That the stock in hand last harvest, on an average of the kingdom, was not greater than common.

V. That the parliamentary measures hitherto proposed are insufficient, however meritorious.

VI. That the application of oats and barley, reducing the consumption of wheat, have had effect at present, and might with a very extended cultivation of potatoes, complete the remedy.

VII. That the return of similar situations may be expected, with so increasing a population.

VIII. That the best prevention is to render as general as possible the system of cottagers having land for potatoes and cows; and to pass a general inclosure act as speedily as it can be done.'

We strongly approve the hints thrown out by Mr. Young on the subject of giving land to cottagers; and assisting them so to cultivate that land, and to turn it to such an account, as will diminish the consumption of wheaten corn. In inclosure schemes, we fear, this benevolent and (we may add) equitable object is not sufficiently prominent. Commons and wastes are inclosed, and turned over by the

This is a position, especially in a time of war, which may be questioned. Are our villages too populous? Are there unemployed men who call out for the breaking up of commons and wastes, that they may be set to work? Is the land already enclosed cultivated to its acmé of improvement?

+ If this be true, the peculiar hand of Providence is excluded as the cause of this national calamity. Besides, there must then have been a scarcity every year, for many years back; which will not be admitted.

plough:

plough but are the poor more comfortable? are the Poor-Rates diminished?

Mr. Young suggests the expediency of registering the acres of wheat and rye sown throughout the kingdom. This may be a wise measure-but we are not sure of the policy of making public all the details of this pamphlet. They merit the considerations of the Board of Agriculture, to which its Secretary may have submitted them : but the publication of them is not likely to lower the price of grain at Bear-Quay.

MISCELLANEOUS.

Art. 39. An Essay on the Theory and Practice of Bleaching, wherein the Sulphuret of Lime is recommended as a Substitute for PotAsh. By William Higgins, M. R. I. A. Professor of Chemistry and Mineralogy at the Repository of the Dublin Society. 8vo. Vernor and Hood. 1799.

28.

In the preface to this treatise, Mr. Higgins claims the honor of having been the first antiphlogistian in England, and of having combated the old doctrine in his Comparative View of the Phlogistic and Antiphlogistic Theories, which fell under our notice in 1789 *; and he seems to think himself hardly treated, in being excluded from the reputation of having contributed to establish the new chemical theory. It rests with the surviving French chemists, to inform us whether they derived any assistance from Mr. Higgins's book; or whether they have yet perused it. He is certainly correct in stating the period at which he declared against phlogiston: but the ignorance of the most eminent chemists, respecting the existence of his book, shews that it had made a very slight impression on the public.

The body of the pamphlet is drawn up with precision, but it contains only well-known facts; if we except the author's recommendation of the sulphuret of lime, as a substitute for the expensive article of pot-ash, in condensing the oxygenated muriatic gas. We shall transcribe his account of the mode of preparing the sulphu

ret:

The sulphuret of lime is prepared in the manner following:- Sulphur, or brimstone in fine powder, four pounds, lime well slaked and sifted, twenty pounds, water sixteen gallons; these are all to be well mixed and boiled for about half an hour in an iron vessel, stirring them briskly from time to time. Soon after the agitation of boiling is over, the solution of the sulphuret of lime clears, and may be drawn off free from the insoluble matter, which is considerable, and which rests upon the bottom of the boiler t. The liquor in this state, is pretty nearly of the colour of small beer, but not quite so transparent.

'Sixteen gallons of fresh water are afterwards to be poured upon the

*See M. Rev. vol. lxxxi. p. 197.

Although lime is one of the constituent principles of the sulphuret, yet being so intimately united to the sulphur, it has no longer the property of lime; upon the same principle that sulphuric acid in sulphat of pot-ash, has not the property of that acid.'

• insoluble