revenue into giving one. His third confideration is ftill more wonderful; we gave loyalty. Good Heavens; in an Irifh Houfe of Commons does he fay that we gave our duty to our Prince as a partner for a grant of trade?

Mr. Flood interrupted to fay, that he had quoted the Refolution of the British Parliament, when he flated, that the loyalty of Ireland was deemed a confideration.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer refumed. To fuch wretched fhifts are gentlemen driven, who attempt to fupport what is not fupportable, and would vainly endeavour to perfuade you that this meafure trenches on the independence of our Legislature; you need not adopt any laws that Great Britain may pass for the regulation of commerce; if you do not approve them, you may reject them whenever you think proper; you do but reject the benefit of the condition, and return to the fituation in which you now are; but the fame Member has proved most ftrongly the neceffity of introducing the Bill, for when fuch abilities as his can totally mif

conceive

conceive its tendency, it ought to be introduced, in order to be fully understood. He has obferved largely on each Propofition, and nothing was ever so miftated, mifreprefented and mifunderstood, as every part of them has been by him. It would be abfurd to follow him through all his errors, many of them the moft ignorant child would be ashamed to advance; but I will point out a few, not perhaps fo obvious without examination.

Let me first take notice of his having alluded to me, and faid, that I voted against a declaration of Rights. I deny it; I declared my opinion of the independence of our Legiflature, from this very feat, early in the debate on that day; but did he vote for it? He did not, and I repeat the Hon. Gentleman did not vote for it, but lamented that the subject had been brought in that day.

I fall leave this fubject as a leffon to the Hon. Gentleman, never for the future to charge facts that are unfounded.

I fhall now.

proceed to the Hon. Gentleman's obfervations.

He

"refolutions are drawn, to the injury of Ire

"land; there is no new prohibition to be allow"ed on the import from one country to ano"ther." This is certainly a great evil, efpecially if we confider that the Exportation of Irish products to England amounts to TWO MILLIONS and an HALF annually-and the Exportation of British products to Ireland amount but to ONE MILLION, fo it is injurious to a country which may by prohibition lofe two millions and an half, to ftipulate against prohibitions, and the country that fends more than fhe takes, is not wife in guarding again'ft mutual prohibition.

Another difcovery the Hon. Gentleman has made is that countervailing duties are unfair—why? Because the Brewery of Ireland will thereby be effectually protected. The Hon. Gentleman complains of the Report of the English Privy Council, who fay that to put Ireland and England on a footing of exact reciprocity as to linen, Ireland ought to give a bounty on the Exportation of English Linens, becaufe England gives a

bounty

}

bounty on the exportation of Irish Linens. Can any thing be more juft? Yet England makes no fuch demand, but is ready by this adjustment to give additional fecurity to our Linen trade for ever. If indeed the adjustment were to take away the benefit from Ireland, it would be a good caufe for rejecting it; but as it for ever confirms all the advantages we derive from our Linen trade, and binds England from making any law that can be injurious to it; furely Gentlemen who regard that trade, and whofe fortunes and rent depend on its profperity, will not entertain a moment's doubt about embracing the offer.

Another of his curious objections is, that as we have not a navy of our own, and if we affist the navy of the empire, England will turn that navy to her own ambitious purposes. To what ambitious purposes? To the protection of that commerce, and of thofe colonies which are now to become ours. In the moment that the gives up her monopoly of colonies, fhe is accufed of ambitious purpofe, for her feparate aggrandize

ment.

P

The

The Hon. Gentleman complains, that the Bill now before the English Parliament makes it neceffary thay every proper and authentic document to prevent fmuggling fhould be fent by the revenue officers of this country with any foreign or plantation goods fent from hence to England, but that the fame precaution is not taken with egard to the fame kind of goods fent from England to Ireland. This is the strongest argument for waiting the introduction of the Irish Bill; it fpeaks the consciousness of the English Parliament, that they could not prefcribe to our revenue officers what documents fhould be fatisfactory to them on receiving goods from England, but that the Irish Parliament alone in their own Bill, could determine that matter. It fhews the Hon. Gentleman to be totally ignorant of what either is or ought to be the fubftance of the Bill.

The Hon. Gentleman talks of bounties, and fays, by abolishing bounties, we fhall no longer be able to bring corn to this city; our inland corn bounties, he fays, are to be turned into Protecting Duties for England. A ftrange, conception! But why has he fixed on corn and flour?