If he had read the Refolution on which he is arguing, he would have seen that corn and flour are every where exempted.

Another argument of the Hon. Gentleman is, that the declaring that neither country hereafter can lay any new prohibition on native produc tions, implies cunningly that it may on foreign. What an argument! when the very firft principles of the system is, that a mutual interchange of foreign commodities is for ever to take place between the two kingdoms, and one even of the Twenty Propofitions declares it in precife termsBut, the Hon. Gentleman talks of prohibitions on exports, &c. Would the Hon. Gentleman wish to leave it in the power of either nation to prohibit their native commodities from being exported to the other? would he wifh to leave it in the power of England to prohibit the exportation of coals, falt, iron, bark, hops, and many other articles, or to raife a revenue on thefe. articles when exported hither.

The Hon. Gentleman talks particularly of wool. I admit, if you balance wool against wool, that

his argument is right; but the just way is to ballance the whole of the exports;-England en

gages never to prohibit the export of articles which are neceffary almost to our existence, and we engage not to prohibit the export of articles which bring us in goo,oool. a year. We are to engage not to prohibit the export of Woollen and Linen Yarn, which we have exported for a whole century, and without keeping a market for the redundancy of which by export, we could not ensure plenty for own manufactures.

The Gentleman too totally mistakes the cafe of patents and copy-rights. British patents and copyrights are protected in Britain by prohibition. against import. The Refolutions fay to us, "protect your's in like manner;" a measure never yet adopted here, which muft promote genius, printing, and invention in Ireland.

I am afhamed, Sir, of taking up fo much of your time on a fubject which might be so easily understood by the lowest capacity; I fhall therefore quit the Hon. Gentleman and come to the question of constitution, which I do not at all

think involved in this fubject. If Great Britain grants us a full partnership in all her trade, in all her colonies, if the admits us to a full participation in the benefits of her Navigation laws, by which fhe has raised herfelf to the greateft commercial power in the world; if he does not call upon us to contribute to the expence of the partnerfhip, but merely to receive our fhare of the profits, and fays, we may continue in that partnership only fo long as we chufe, can any man fay, the conditions of it amount to a furrender of our legislature? furely not, it is idle fpeculation. Let us then look at the fubject, free from all imaginary dread for the conftitution.

Britain imports annually from us 2,500,000l. of our products, all, or very nearly all, duty free, and covenants never to lay a duty on them. We import about a 1,000,000l. of hers, and raise a revenue on almoft every article of it, and referve the power of continuing that revenue. She exports to us falt for our fifheries and provifions; hops which we cannot grow; coals which we cannot raife; tin which we have not; and bark, which we cannot get elsewhere; and all these without referving

referving any duty; or a power to impofe any on them; though her own fubjects pay 2, 3, or 4s. a chaldron for her own coals, fent coastways, and in London 7s. We on the contrary charge a uty for our own ufe here on almost every article we fend to her. So much for exports; now as to bounties, fhe almost ruined our manufacture of fail-cloth, by bounties on export of her own to Ireland. In 1750, or thereabouts, when her bounty commenced, we exported more than we imported, and in 1784, we exported none, and imported 180,000 yards; fhe now withdraws that bounty. And let me digrefs here a little on failcloth, which although gentlemen affect to defpife when mentioned, will, I truft, be an immediate fource of wealth by this adjustment. For 1. This bounty is to be removed. 2. The export of failcloth to the Indies is to be allowed, and Great Britain exported there, in 1782, about 200,000 ells. There is a British law, obliging every

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British and colony fhip to have its first suits of British fail-cloth. Irish now is to be deemed Britith. 4. There is a preference of 2d. an ell given by British law to British fail cloth, over foreign, for the British navy. Irifh is now to have the

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fame preference. 5. The furplus of the hereditary revenue is to be applied in the first place to the purchase of Irish fail-cloth, All these give a glorious profpect for that valuable manufactureBut to return, were a man to look for the country. most advantageous to settle manufacture in, what would be his choice? One where labour and provifions are cheap, that is Ireland; and what he would next look for?-why to have a rich, extended and fteady market near him, which England, ftretched along-fide affords, and to establish that market for this country is one great object of this fyftem. Gentlemen undervalue the reduction of British duties on our manufactures;

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agree with them it may not operate foon, but we are to look forward in a final fettlement, and it is impoffible but that in time, with as good cli mate, equal natural powers, cheaper food, and fewer taxes, we must be able to fell to them. When commercial jealoufy fhall be banished by final fettlement, and trade take its natural and fteady courfe, the kingdoms will cease to look to rivalfhip, each will make that fabric which it can do cheapest, and buy from the other what it cannot make fo advantageously. Labour will

be