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proofs of its inadequacy, or to defire Gentlemen to look forward to poffible cafes, which I could easily put, and which will naturally fuggest themselves to the minds of all, who chufe to turn their attention to the subject.

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But when we confider the diftinct powers poffeffed by the two Legiflatures on all the great queftions of Peace and War, of alliances and confederacies,-(for they each have in principle, a right to discuss them and decide upon them, though one of them has hitherto been wifely restrained by discretion, from the exercise of that right), have we not feen circumftances to induce us to think it poffible, at least, that on fome of thefe important queftions the opinions and decifions of the two Parliaments might have been at variance? Are we talking of an indiffoluble Connection, when we fee it thus perpetually liable to be endangered? Can we really think that the interests of the Empire, or of its different branches reft upon a fafe and folid bafis at prefent? I am anxious to difcufs this point closely with any man, either here or in Ireland. Will

it be faid, that the Parliament of the latter Country is bound by our decifion on the question of Peace or War? And if not fo bound, will any man, looking at human Nature as it is, contend, that there is a fufficient certainty that the decifion on that important fubject will always be the fame in both countries? I fhould be glad to receive a distinct answer to this question, from the Honourable Gentleman who has declared himself to be as warm a friend to the Connection between the two Countries as I am.

Suppose, for inftance, that the prefent war, which the Parliament of Great Britain confiders to be just and neceffary, had been voted by the Irish Parliament, to be unjuft, unneceffary, extravagant, and hoftile to the principles of humanity and freedom.-Would that Parliament have been bound by this Country? If not;—what fecurity have we, at a moment the most important to our common intereft and common falvation, that the two Kingdoms fhould have but one friend and foe? I repeat it; I am eager to hear what can be faid in justification of a bafis fo imperfect and un

found,

found, and liable to be fhaken by fo many accidents. I have already oblerved, that in the pe-; culiar circumftances of the prefent moment, we may find ftrong reafons to prove the neceffity of correcting the fyftem of Connection between this Country and Ireland, of fupplying its imperfections, and ftrengthening its weakness, than are tol be found at any former period. p

Having thus ftated, and I think fufficiently proved, that the Settlement of 1782, in every point of view in which it can be confidered, is imperfect, and inadequate to the object of maintaining the connection between the two kingdoms, I proceed next to the circumftances which peculiarly call upon us at the prefent moment to remedy. that imperfection.

This Country is at this time engaged in the most important, and momentous conflict that ever occurred in the History of the World; a conflict, in which Great Britain is distinguished for having made the only manly and fuccefsful ftand against the common enemies of civilized fociety. We see the point in which that Enemy think us the

moft

moft affailable-Are we not then bound in policy and prudence, to strengthen that vulnerable point, involved as we are in a contest of Liberty against Defpotifm-of Property against Plunder and Rapine-of Religion and Order against Impiety and Anarchy? There was a time when this would have been termed declamation; but, unfor tunately, long and bitter experience has taught us to feel that it is only the feeble and imperfect reprefentation of thofe calamities (the refult of French Principles and French Arms) which are attested by the wounds of a bleeding world.

Is there a man who does not admit the importance of a measure which, at fuch a crifis, may augment the ftrength of the Empire, and thereby enfure its fafety? Would not that benefit to Ireland be of itself so folid, so ineftimable, that, in comparison with it, all Commercial Interefts, and the prefervation of local habits and manners, would be trifling, even if they were endangered by the prefent measure;which they undoubtedly are not? The people of Ireland are proud, I believe, of being affociated with us in the great conteft in which we are engaged, and muft feel

the

the advantage of augmenting the general force of the Empire. That the prefent measure is calcu lated to produce that effect, is a propofition which I think cannot be difputed. There is not in any Court of Europe a Statesman fo ill informed as not to know, that the general power of the Empire would be increased to a very great extent indeed, by fuch a confolidation of the strength of the two kingdoms. In the courfe of the Century every writer of any information on the fubject has held the fame language, and in the general strength of the Empire both Kingdoms are more concerned than in any particular interests which may belong to either. If we were to afk the Ministers of our Allies, what measure they thought the most likely to augment the power of the British Empire, and confequently increase that strength by which they were now protectedif we were to afk the Agent of our Enemies, what measure would be the most likely to render their defigns abortive-the answer would be the fame in both cafes, viz. the firm confolidation of every part of the Empire.

There