I know that it is impoffible, if we wish to confider this fubject properly, to consider it in any other point of view than as it affects the Empire in general. I know that the interefts of the two Countries must be taken together, and that a man cannot speak as a true Englishman, unless he fpeaks as a true Irishman, nor as a true Irishman, unless he speaks as a true Englishman: Bur if it was poffible to feparate them, and I could confider myself as addreffing you, not as interefted for the Empire at large, but for Ireland alone, I fhould fay, that it would be indifpenfably neceffary, for the fake of that Country, to compofe its prefent diftractions, by the adoption of another fyftem:-I fhould fay, that the eftablifhment of an Imperial Legiflature was the only means of healing its wounds and of reftoring it to tranquillity. I muft here take the liberty of alluding to fome topics which were touched upon during the difcuflion of the former night.

Among the great and known defects of Ireland, one of the most prominent features is, its want of induftry and a capital; how are those wants to be fupplied, but by blending more closely with Ireland,

Ireland, the industry and the capital of this Court try. But, above all, in the great leading diftinctions between the People of Ireland, I mean their religious diftinctions, what is their fituation?The Proteftant feels that the claims of the Catholics threaten the existence of the Proteftant ascendancy; while, on the other hand, the great body of Catholics feel the establishment of the National Church, and their exclufion from the exercife of certain rights and privileges, a griev ance. Between the two, it becomes a matter of difficulty in the minds of many perfons, whether it would be better to liften only to the fears of the former, or to grant the claims of the latter."

I am well aware that the fubject of religious distinction is a dangerous and delicate topic, ef. pecially when applied to a country fuch as Ireland; the fituation of which is different in this respect from that of every other. Where the established religion of the State is the fame as the general religion of the Empire, and where the property of the Country is in the hands of a comparatively fmall number of perfons profeffing that established religion, while the religion of a great

majority

majority of the people is different, it is not eafy to say, on general principles, what fyftem of Church Establishments in fuch a Country would be free from difficulty and inconvenience. By many I know it will be conténded, that the religion profeffed by a majority of the people, would at leaft be entitled to an equality of Privileges. I have heard fuch an argument urged in this House; but those who apply it without qualifi cation to the cafe of Ireland, forget furely the principles on which English Intereft and English Connection has been established in that Country, and on which its prefent Legiflature is formed. No man can fay, that, in the prefent state of things, and while Ireland remains a feparate kingdom, full conceffions could be made to the Catholics, without endangering the State, and shaking the Constitution of Ireland to its centre.

On the other hand, without anticipating the difcuffion, or the propriety of agitating the queftion, or faying how foon or how late it may be fit to difcufs it; two propofitions are indifputable: First, When the conduct of the Catholics fhall be fuch as to make it fafe for the Government to

admit them to the participation of the privileges
granted to those of the Established Religion, and
when the temper of the times fhall be favourable
to fuch a measure. When thefe events take
place, it is obvious that fuch a queftion may be
agitated in an United, Imperial Parliament, with
much greater safety, than it could be in a feparate
Legislature. In the fecond place, I think it cer-
tain that, even for whatever period it may
be thought neceffary, after the Union, to with-
hold from the Catholics the enjoyment of those
advantages, many of the objections which at pre-
fent arife out of their fituation would be removed,
if the Proteftant Legislature were no longer sepa- 1
rate and local, but general and Imperial; and
the Catholics themselves would at once feel a mi-
tigation of the moft goading and irritating of their
prefent causes of complaint.

How far, in addition to this great and leading confideration, it may also be wife and practicable to accompany the measure by fome mode of relieving the lower orders from the preffure of Tithes, which in many inftances opérate at pre- ́ ́; fent as a great practical evil, or to make--under

proper

1

+

proper Regulations, and without breaking in on the fecurity of the prefent Proteftant Establishment an effectual and adequate provifion for the Catholic Clergy, it is not now neceffary to difcufs. It is fufficient to say, that these and all other fubordinate points connected with the fame fubject, are more likely to be permanently and fatisfactorily fettled by an United Legislature, than by any local arrangements. On these grounds I contend, that with a view to providing an effectual remedy for the distractions which have unhappily prevailed in Ireland, with a view of removing those caufes which have endangered, and ftill endanger its fecurity, the measure which I am now propofing promises to be more effectual than any other which can be devised, and on these grounds alone, if there existed no other, I fhould feel it my duty to submit it to the House

But, Sir, though what I have thus ftated relates most immediately to the great object of healing the diffentions, and providing for the internal tranquillity of Ireland; there are also other objects which, though comparatively with this of inferior importance, are yet in themG felves