that has been made in commercial advantages to Ireland, fince 1785, has been fuch as to render his argument still more applicable. What is the nature of that Commerce, explained by the fame perfon, in fo concife and forcible a manner, that I am happy to use his own statement? He does not confine himself to the grofs amount, but gives the articles in detail:

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us Two Million Five Hundred Thoufand "Pounds of our Products, all, or very nearly all,

duty free, and covenants never to lay a duty on "them. We import about a Million of her's,

and raise a Revenue on almost every article of

it, and referve the power of continuing that "Revenue. She exports to us Salt for our "Fisheries and Provifions; Hops, which we "cannot grow; Coals which we cannot raife ; "Tin, which we have not; and Bark, which we "cannot get elsewhere and all these without referving any duty."

I will not tire the patience of the House, by reading farther extracts; but the Right Honour

able

able Gentleman's whole Speech, in-like manner, points out the advantages of the Commercial Propofitions (at that time under confideration) as a ground-work of a Compact between the two Countries, in 1785, on Commercial fubjects.But how ftands the cafe now? /The trade is at this time infinitely more advantageous to Ireland. It will be proved, from the documents which I hold in my hand, as far as relates to the mere interchange of manufactures, that the manufactures, exported to Ireland from Great Britain, in 1797, very little exceeded a Million sterling (the articles of produce amount to nearly the fame fum) while Great Britain, on the other hand, imported from Ireland to the amount of near Three Millions in the manufactured articles of Linen and Linen Yarn, and between Two and Three Millions in Provifions and Cattle, befides Corn and other articles of produce.

In addition to thefe Articles, there are other circumstances of advantage to Ireland. Articles which are effential to her trade and to her fubfiftence, or ferve as raw materials for her manufactures, are fent from hence free of duty. It is ex

prefsly

prefsly ftated on the fame authority, that all that we take back from Ireland was liable to a Duty, in that country on their exports; fo that in fome inftances we gave s we gave them a preference over our

The increafing produce of thechief article of their manufacture, and four-fifths, of her whole export Y trade, are to be afcribed, not to that Independent Legiflature, but to the liberality of the British Parliament. It is by the free admiffion of Linens for our market, and the Bounties granted by the British Parliament on its re-export, that the Linen-Trade has been brought to the height at which we now fee it. To the Parliament of this Country, then, it is now owing, that a Market has been opened for her Linen to the amount of three millions. By the Bounty we give to Ireland, we afford her a double market for that article, and (what is ftill more ftriking and important) we have prevented a competition against her, arising from the fuperior cheapness of the Linen-Manufactures of the Continent, by fubjecting their importation to a Duty of thirty per cent. Nothing would more clearly fhew what would be the danger

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to Ireland from the Competition in all its principal branches of the Linen-Trade, than the fimple fact, that we even now import foreign Linens, under this heavy duty, to an amount equal to a feventh part of all that Ireland is able to fend us, with the preference that has been stated. By this arrangement alone, we muft therefore be confidered, either as foregoing between feven and eight hundred thousand pounds per annum in revenue, which we should collect if we chose to levy the fame duty on all Linens, Irish as well as Foreign, or on the other hand, as facrificing perhaps at least a million fterling in the price paid for those articles, by the subjects of this Country, which might be faved, if we allowed the importation of all Linen, Foreign as well as Irish, equally free from Duty.

The prefent measure is, however, in its effects calculated not merely for a confirmation of the advantages on which the perfon to whom I have alluded has infifted. It is obvious that a fuller and more perfect connexion of the two countries, from whatever cause it may arise, must produce a greater facility and freedom of commercial intercourse,

tercourse, and ultimately tend to the advantage of both. The benefits to be derived to either coun try from such an arrangement must indeed, in a great measure, be gradual; but they are not on that account the lefs certain, and they cannot be ftated in more forcible language than in that used in the fpeech to which I have referred.

"Gentlemen undervalue the reduction of Bri"tish Duties on our Manufactures. I agree with "them it may not operate foon, but we are to "look forward to a final fettlement, and it is im"poffible but that in time, with as good climate, "equal natural powers, cheaper food, and fewer

taxes, we must be able to fell to them. When "commercial jealoufy fhall be banished byfi nal "fettlement, and trade take its natural and fteady "course, the Kingdoms will ceafe to look to

rivalship, each will make that fabrick which it "can do cheapest, and buy from the other what "it cannot make fo advantageoufly. Labour "will be then truly employed to profit, not di "verted by Bounties, Jealoufies, or Legislative

Interference, from its natural and beneficial "course. This system will attain its real object, H 2

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