thing) if those who live under it believe it to be fo,' and fondly cherish that opinion, I can indeed well understand that fuch a country must be jealous of any measure, which, even by its own confent, under the authority of its own lawful government, is to affociate it as a part of a larger and more extenfive empire. But, Sir, if, on the other hand, it fhould happen that there be a country which, against the greatest of all dangers that threaten its peace and fecurity, has not adequate means of prctecting itself without the aid of another nation; if that other be a neighbouring and kindred nation, speaking the fame language, whofe laws, whofe customs, and habits are the fame in prinçiple, but carried to a greater degree of perfection, with a more extenfive commerce, and more abundant means of acquiring and diffufing national wealth; the stability of whofe governmentthe excellence of whofe conftitution-is more than ever the admiration and envy of Europe, and of which the very Country of which we are speaking can only boast an inadequate and imperfect refemblance ;-under fuch circumftances, I would afk, what conduct would be prescribed by every rational K 2 rational principle of dignity, of honour, or of intereft? I would afk, whether this is not a faithful defcription of the circumftances which ought to difpofe Ireland to a Union? Whether Great Britain is not precifely the nation with which, on these principles, a Country, fituated as Ireland is, would defire to unite? Does a Union, under fuch circumftances, by free confent, and on juft and equal terms, deferye to be branded as a propofal for fubjecting Ireland to a foreign yoke ? Is it not rather the free and voluntary affociation of two great Countries, which join, for their common benefit, in one Empire, where each will retain its proportional weight and importance, under the fecurity of equal laws, reciprocal affection, and infeparable interefts, and which want nothing but that indiffoluble Connection to ren der both invincible. Non ego nec Teucris Italos parere jubebo Sir, I have nearly ftated all that is neceffary for me to trouble the House with; there are, however, one or two other objections which I wifh not entirely to pafs over: One of them is, a general general notion that a Union with Great Britain muft neceffarily increafe one of the great evils of Ireland, by producing depopulation in many parts of the Country, and by increafing greatly the number of abfentees. I do not mean to deny that this effect would, to a limited extent, take place during a part of the year; but I think it will not be difficult for me to prove, that this circumstance will be more than counterbalanced by the operation of the fyftem in other refpects. If it be true that this measure has an inevitable tendency to admit the introduction of that British Capital which is most likely to give life to all the operations of Commerce, and to all the improvements of Agriculture; if it be that which above all other confiderations is most likely to give fecurity, quiet, and internal repofe to Ireland; if it is likely to remove the chief bar to the internal advancement of wealth and of civilization, by a more intimate intercourfe with England; if it is more likely to communicate from hence thofe habits which diftinguifh this Country, and which, by a continued gradation, unite the highest and the loweft orders of the community. without a chafm in any part of the fyftem; if it is not only likely to invite (as I have already faid) English Capital to fet Commerce in motion, but to offer it the use of new markets, to open fresh resources of wealth and industry; can wealth, can induftry, can civilization increase among the whole bulk of the people without its much more than counterbalancing the partial effect of the removal of the few individuals who, for a small part of the year, would follow the feat of Legiflation? Will it be supposed that the mere abfence of Parliament from Dublin, if it would still remain the centre of Education and of the internal commerce of a country increafing in improvement; if it would still remain the feat of legal difcuffion, which muft always increafe with an increase of property and occupation, what ground is there to fuppofe, with a view even to the interefts of thofe whofe partial interefts have been moft fuccefsfully appealed to; what reafon is there to fuppofe that, with a view either to the refpectable Body of the Bar, to the Merchant, or Shopkeeper of Dublin (if it were poffible to fuppofe that a tranfaction of this fort ought to be referred to that fingle criterion) that they would not find their proportionate fhare of advantage in the general advantage advantage of the State? Let it be remembered, also, that if the transfer of the Seat of Legislature may call from Ireland to England the Members of the United Parliament, yet, after the Union, property, influence and confideration in Ireland will lead, as much as in Great Britain, to all the objects of imperial ambition; and there muft, confequently, exift a new incitement to perfons to acquire property in that Country, and to those who poffefs it, to refide there and to cultivate the good opinion of those with whom they live, and to extend and improve their influence and connections. But, Sir, I need not dwell longer on argument, however it may fatisfy my own mind, because we can on this queftion refer to experience. I fee every Gentleman anticipates that I allude to Scotland. What has been the refult of the Union there? A Union, give me leave to fay, as much opposed, and by much the fame arguments, prejudices, and mifconceptions, as are urged, at this moment, creating too the fame alarms, and provoking the fame outrages, as have lately taken place in Dublin. Look at the metropolis |