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ty; the fecond would be the demolition of the royal eftate, even if it had no foreign concern, but were purely and folely exercifeable within the kingdom. From the prefent ftate of the public mind, in its long fermented diffatisfaction with its Parliament, and from the political impreffions which it has received from the American war and the French revolution, it is beyond doubt that if the frame of Parliament be once innovated, it will be rent from its very foundation, the whole efforts of the people would be directed to the establishing of a democracy, and by every poffible barrier to exclude the influence of England and her counfels, from the affairs of Ireland; for, the hiftory of the late rebellion. as it is fpread upon parliamentary record, and of the proceedings of the difcontented and difaffected in Ireland for fome years, preparatory to their coming to open war with the Government, establish it to the conviction of every man, that feparation from England was the prime and the grand object; a reform in the Parliament of Ireland was to be the means, and the decisive step. towards the attainment of the former: a more equal reprefentation of the people, therefore, refounded on every fide, as the demand of the nation upon its Government. Under this fpecious pretext was concealed the hoftile difpofition towards Great Britain. The body of the people looked no farther than the mere question of reform, which the general conduct of Parliament appeared to render not only reasonable but neceffary, but its real end, and the great fcheme of change and independence, were referved to a few, and lurked in the dark receffes of confpiracy and treason, until the fullness of time and the fuccefs of the auxiliary measures fhould call for the open avowal of the great object, and its publication to the nation. Thus the rafhness of the unthinking and the faith of the credulous are ever expofed to the fubtlety of the wicked, who enlifts them as inftruments of his cause and accomplices in his crimes.

That the connexion between the two countries

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has been weakened, and that the public conduct of: Ireland has, upon fome great occations, facilitated and promoted the means of feparation, will appear from the particular confideration and effect of two remarkable inftances, independent of the general review of her hiftory. In the year 1782, a conftitutional change was effected in Ireland, the most important which had occurred fince her annexation to Great Britain: before that period fhe formed a more immediatè and connected member of the the British empire, under the direct influence and care of the general government. The regulations of her interior, as well as her external relations, were matter on which the English Parliament might act; and the power in the Government of England, as well of original approbation of the general measure, as of its final fanction in detail, protected the people of Ireland from the mifconduct and abufes of its own Parliament. This direct and open controul of the English Government over the affairs of Ireland, the dependency of the Irifh army on the English mutiny act, and the limited capacity and circumfcribed authority of the Irish Parliament, neceffarily connected and preferved Ireland, in conjunction with Great Britain. During this time, notwithstanding the measured and fubordinate power of the Irish Parliament, it was more refpectably conftituted than ever it has been fince. It was compofed almost entirely of men of fortune, whofe fituations did not expofe them to the proftitution of public character, nor chalk out a line of perfonal aggrandifement through the windings of political intrigue, at the public expence: Ireland did not then feel the great financial preffure which the neceffity of parliamentary purchase has fince created; the then knew nothing of that common fpeculation which fince has filled the benches of Parliament with numerous and fucceflive adventurers; and Ireland was then equally ignorant of the market for nobility, and that extenfive and extravagant fyftem of influenee which kept the voice and wants of the Public unheard

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and unheeded. But in 1782 the great link of empire which connected the two countries, gave way, and nothing remained after the renunciation of the British Barliament to fecure the union of the crowns, but the covered and fatal medium of fecret influence in the establishment of an expenfive and growing patronage to counteract the acquired inde. pendence and improved capacity of the Irish Parliament. The caufes of this extraordinary occurrence, the ftate of the puplic mind in Ireland at that time, and the means by which this great conftitutional change was effected, fhall be briefly stated, that the whole design and full intentions of those who moved and led the politics of Ireland may be difclofed and made manifeft.

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The war with America had produced confiderable effects, not only in the British empire, but through Europe; it threw a falfe and delufive glare over modern politics, instead of a fober and falutary light. Hence fome have derived the convulfions of France, and the meteor which has scared and diftracted Ireland. It is certain, however, that the peculiar nature of the conteft between Britain and her colonies provoked every where and eminently in Ireland, much diffufed converfation and general difcuffion on the principles of government. Perhaps at no time, not even at the revolution of 1688, were the abftract rights of the people more fully examined, or the general theory of civil efta blifhments more accurately analyfed; and it is certain that the inflitution of the tranf-atlantic empire, under the circumftances and manner of its original, has given new character and complexion to the politics of Europe; of thefe politics Ireland had in a great degree partaken. The nature of her connexion with England, the ftate of her Parliament, and the national,obfcurity, were topics which engroffed the public attention, and on which the talents of the ftate were employed. It need not be inquired, what was the refult of the public inveftigation on the queftion, whether actual force of arms, acquifition in war,

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or real and implied compact, was the foundation of the English dominion in Ireland. To argue against the pride or intereft of your adverfary, is as vain among nations as among individuals, A difcuffion of this question would be now irrevelant the prefent occafion calls for no fuch inquiry; a temperate, difpaffionate, and calm confideration of the prefent ftate of Ireland, with the light reflected from her hiftory, and her late tranfactions alone, is neceffary at this important moment. In the American war, armed in her own defence against the common enemy, Ireland feized the› favourable opportunity of her own ftrength, and the imbecility of England, to confirm by decifive acts those argumentative conclufions, which to her mind had refuted the claims and rights of England, and established her own title to independence; to diffolve all other connexion than with the crown of Great Britain; became the great object of Ireland, for which the prepared to make every effort, and apply her whole force. In the crifis of minifterial weakness, the great conceffion was made. After a mighty amputation of empire, it feemed prudent by any means to preferve the remainder; and England not only yielded the future independence of Ireland, but, in her ftate: of durefs and ncceffity, renounced her former title: The remitted the poffeffion, and confeffed herself a diffeifor. The fatal confequences which followed the denial to America of fharing the British con: ftitution, hurried the English minifter into compliance with the demands of Ireland, in their full and unlimited extent. Had he been guided by t true policy, and had he fufficiently diftinguifhed the cafe of Ireland from that of America, the neceffity of the prefent difcuffion would not have arifen, nor fhould the Public have been troubled r with this addrefs.

The tranfaction in 1782 is particularly dwelt on, because it furnishes a clear demonstration that... the conftitutional change which was demanded and effected, was not because it was the most fui

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ted to the neceffities of Ireland, but because the Irifh nation had been inflamed by every art to view the connexion with England as injufious to her ho nour and detractive of her national character, The object was more to fhake off the dependency of the kingdom on the English Legiflature, than any enlarged view of the future interefts of Ireland. It was a queftion of pride more than of policy, and it is not the character of pride to refpect its real interests.

The full principle of the conftitutional change of 1782 became the bafis of a most important tranfaction in 1789, at the lamentable period of the King's indifpofition. The patriots in Ireland, and the great movers of her politics, on this occafion gave full fcope to their zeal for the unity of the British empire, and their attachment to its combined interefts: they contended, that, on the intermiffion of the royal functions, Ireland, as an imperial independent nation, was exclufively competent to provide for this emergency; that the two countries had no other union than in their executive; and therefore, that in every poffible cafe of its fufpenfion or determination, the Parliament of Ireland alone was adequate to the great imperial duty of fupplying the vacant power. By a free election of a royal fiduciary, to hold the King's prerogative in truft for themfelves only, under fuch limitations as they fhould define its exercise;" and indeed the argument went the whole length of establishing, that, on fuch an occafion, the Parliament of Ireland might take the executive into their own hands, or altogether difcontinue the royal estate. And had it not been for the accidental fympathy of the parliamentary oppofition in both countries, this abftract argument would probably have had a decifive practical effect in the delegation of the royal authority to a regent not deriving under the Parliament of England in which event an actual feparation must have taken place, as there would not have remained a parti cle of connexion between the two countries. Their

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