weakening the connection with Britain, and establifhing an independent government.

The circumftances which fo low, which have occurred in the prefent reign, admit of no equivocal conftruction, and establish important conclufions.

In 1778, during the diffenfions of Great Britain with her American colonies, petitions and claims of rights were fet on fout among the people of Ireland at that time, of a commercial nature only; thefe, however, grew in extent, and the publi: demand became louder, as difficulties abroad and diicontents at home embarraffed the King's government. This clamour had its effect; and what was called a free trade was conceded by the British Parliament

Whenever the public mind is inflamed by the agitation of political queftions, which are firft advanced by a few of more fagacity than virtue, whose private pursuits are mafked under the appearance of public intereft, the conceffion of the national requeft will not allav the ferment, or extinguish the fire which confumes the public peace. Another grievance calls for redrefs, or fome new privilege is fuggefted, more important than the former and without which, it is faid, the ftate cannot exist. Thus conceffion leads to new demands, and the public appetite grows with what it devours.

The attainment of commercial advantagea in extenfion of trade and removal of reftraints, was followed immediately by demands of a conftitutional nature, which went to change the frame of government altogether. It was infinuated that freedom of trade could be fecured only by independence in the government: and the impofing analogy was advanced, that as, with the individual, he will not be industrious unlets the fruits of his labour be fecured, fo the capital of a nation will not expend itself in commerce or manufacture, unlefs it has the fole power of its regulation. The tranfition therefore from

the

the fubject of trade to that of government was na tural and eafy; but as the latter goes more to the feelings of men over whom pride has more dominion than intereft, a greater degree of union and earneftnefs prevailed in Ireland upon this question than on the former. The nation at length became extremely agitated; armed affociations covered the land, whole origin was for the meritorious defence of their country against the common enemy.

The extent and multiplied demands of the war in which Britain was then engaged had much reduced the military establishment in Ireland, and her coaft having been more than once infulted by the enemy, the government could not but applaud the voluntary exertions of thefe who came forward in the public fervice. Nothing, however, can fhow more the want of ftrength, or the want of wifdom of the government at that time, in fuffering a large military force to rife in the country, totally independant of its authority. Long experience has Thown, that the beft inftitutions of human wisdom are fubject to abufe, and that good and evil are fo intimately compounded, and fo infenfibly diftributed in all the allotments of human life, that nothing can be faid to be abfolutely good which may not partake of evil; and no meafure to be fo convenient from which mifchief may refult. Had the volunteers of Ireland adhered to their first principles, and kept in view the object of their affociation, their conduct would have been beyond all praife. Whenever the neceffities of our country oblige us to affume a military character, it should be well underftood, and never for a moment forgotten, that the exercife of civil rights is fufpended; it is for their final prefervation that the foldier is created, who may be called the great executive of the ftate, while it is the citizen who legiflates; and as these two great powers of will and action, of command and performance,

performance, cannot combine in the ftate without defpotifm, neither can they concentrate in the individual without producing anarchy. No principle of the British conftitution can be fo clearly proved, none is more fuitable to its wifdom, and certainly none, in its application, contributes more to the tranquility, to the liberties, and to the happiness of the ftate.

The volunteers of Ireland, from foldiers became politicians, and formed a military convention, in perfect mimicry of the forms of Parliament, at the very moment when the lawful government was in the exercise of its functions. Such was the ftate of public affairs; the intended effect was produced, and the British Parliament renounced all dominion and authority within the kingdom of Ireland.

The continued practice of popular conventions, and of arbitrary, felf-formed affociations in Ireland, for difcuffing and refolving on abftract queftions of government, for exploring defects and fuggefting innovations in the conftitution, have been highly detrimental, and have palpably contributed to the origin, formation, and fyftematic progress of the late rebellion. When it is confidered that these queftions are in their nature the most difficult; that erroneous notions concerning them are moft dangerous; that the bulk of fociety is not competent, from learning, experience, or judgment, to treat of them; that the few who have capacity may want integrity and virtue; it is clear, that fuch focieties are most likely to become pernicious inftruments of fedition and treafon, inftead of a medium for enlightening and improving the Public, And hence well-regulated ftates have annexed conditions of age and property to the members of the legiflature, that its deliberations may be directed by the wifdom which refults from years and education, and fecured by the virtue which dwells with independence.

independence. The Convention Act of the prefent Chancellor in Ireland prevents all popular meetings by election and delegation. The licentioufnefs of original focieties, however, has produced fuch fatal confequences, as particularly to demand the notice of Parliament.

As foon as the conftitutional change of 1782 was effected, and Ireland declared an independent nation, new grievances were ftated for redress, new evils were fuggefted for reform, complaints were made of inequality in the parliamentary reprefentation, and the preponderance of English influence. The convention called for procuring the parliamentary reform, openly, and in the moft unqualified manner, difcuffed the plan of innc ation; and to raife the political importance of this extraordinary affembly, it had its fittings in the very metropolis, attended by a confiderable guard of volunteers. The Government at length faw its danger, it remained firm, and the project of correcting and new-modelling the parliamentary reprefentation has hitherto failed.,

The friends of democracy, and those who wished to establish a separate government in Ireland, finding that their own power was infufficient to attain their purpofes, and knowing that the great majority of the people of Ireland, being Catholics, and excluded from the exercife of the elective franchife, were in a great meafure indifferent to the conftitutional changes which were demanded; they therefore applied themfelves to the feduction of the Catholics, and, fufpending the open pursuit of reform and feparation from England, applied their whole force to procure a repeal of the pena! laws, and the admiffion of the Catholic body to the full participatian of the conftitution. The very men who were fecretly undermining the Government, and had refolved on its complete fubverfion, were obliged, in furtherance of their defigns, to declaim pub

licly on its excellence. and the injuftice of any portion of the King's fubjects being excluded from the full enjoyment of fo admirable a conftitution. The former method of fpeaking to Government, through the medium of conventions and national delegations, was again reforted to, and again fucceeded. However, before the Catholic convention thought proper to diffolve itfelf, it voted the refolution for reform; thus requiting the fervices of their new friends by reciprocal obligation, and concurring in hoftility to the conftitution, into which they had been admitted.

In the year 1785, certain commercial regulations refpecting the trade of the two countries occupied the attention of their refpective legislatures. The propofitions offered by England have been univerfally admitted as highly promoting the intereft of Ireland. However, Great Britain confidered it effential to the harmony of this adjustment, and for the further fatisfaction of both countries, that the regulations of one fhould prevail in the other; that the trade and manufactures of Great Britain and Ireland thould enjoy the fame freedom, and feel the fame reftraint. On this exprefs condition was it propofed, that thofe laws which have created and expanded the commercial power of England, fhould be adopted occafionally in Ireland, in fimilar cafes only, and enlarging and reftraining equally in both. As this fyftem manifeftly appeared.

calculated to cement the interefts of the two coun tries, to affimilate their commercial fyftem,. to exclude the jealoufies of trade, and fully and deeply to blend the capital, the industry, and talents of both, the friends of dif-union were alarmed; they perceived that this measure would produce the union which they deprecated, that it would bind what they meant to untie: every oppofition, therefore, to the measure was to be given. They repre

fented