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ment, the Public are induced to hope, that, under your Lordship's aufpices, the victory which has been acquired, may be fecured; that the enemy may not recover from his defeat; and that the King's faithful fubjects in Ireland may not feel a return of calamity. Humbly to fuggeft to your Excellency the measure *effential to produce this good, to trace the real object of the rebellion, and afcertain the real motives of its leaders, is the defign of this address.

From the relation of the two countries, and the incorporation of their commercial and political inte refts, the tranfactions of one cannot be indifferent to the other; nor can the head of the empire view, without the deepest concern, the diffentions which continually agitate, and the mifchiefs which occafionally defolate a country, which, under an enlightened policy, were capable of the highest profperity. The firft and great duty of government which is truly parental, is, fo to form and difcipline the public mind by regulation and institution, that it fhall not have opportunity to err, or temptation to be vicious; to exclude the occafion of crimes, rather than punifh their commiffion; that the fubordination of the ftate may proceed more from virtue than neceffity. Every principle of duty which actuates a government, inculcates this particular obligation, which, as it may apply to Ireland, exclufive of its moral claim, is irrefiftibly enjoined by the politics of England; thofe politics which have united her at home, and made her formidable abroad. To rivet the parts of the empire in unity of will and law; to confolidate their ftrength and interefts; to multiply the energy, and augment the refources of Great Britain, must be the wish of every Englishman; and can Ireland hesitate to fhare her freedom and her glory, her talents and her induftry, her wealth and tranquillity? In England, the prejudices of the few must give way to the policy of the whole; and, in Ireland, the fad experience of misfortune muft counteract the fuggeftions of pride; and inducing the people there

to contemplate with ferioufnefs the condition of their country, muft infpire them to embrace with eagernefs, and tolerate with equanimity, fuch conftitutional changes as reafon may demonftrate to be indifpénfible for continuing to them the bleffings of tranquillity.

That your Excellency is well difpofed to promote this great measure, is not a matter of doubt. The public estimate of your character is not more flattering than just. A few whom faction depraves, or bigotry deludes, may deny you the praise which is due, and load you with invective; but the great majority of the people are fatisfied of the rectitude of your intentions, and the wisdom of your measures. The prefent occafion is not above your talents; you have been long habituated to the duties and difficulties of government, and will not, I am perfuaded, reject without confideration, or from want of confidence abandon an opportunity for confirming all the good you have done, and rendering the empire effential and permanent fervice. Seldom, to be fure, has Ireland a Viceroy, whofe measures of government look beyond the term of his adminiftration: to fecure a majority in Parliament, and tranfact the King's bufinefs, as it is called, without clamour or oppofition, is the whole of their efforts; but it is well known, that your Excellency went to Ireland induced neither by ambition nor emolument a more comprehenfive and liberal policy therefore has marked, and muft continue to characterize, your -administration.

If ever the general circumftances of the empire, For the particular ftate of Ireland, required that her government fhould be committed to extraordinary talents, and more than human firmness, it has been during the prefent feafon. An active and perfidious foe has availed himself of every opportunity for affaulting the power and undermining the government of Great Britain, and civil diffenfions have raged in Ireland, which threatened her with more danger than

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the wiles of the common enemy; at this juncture was your Excellency called to her government, in which your conduct has manifefted the great qualities required for the fituation. Many of your predeceffors in this high office have had their fhare of fense and understanding; many men of good intentions have filled the illuftrious roll; but in general their love of ease and luxury incapacitated them for the labours of government, and enflaved them to the views and artifices of a party, whom they came to command. This has uniformly impeded all fcrutiny of injuftice, and all reformation of abufe. The administration of the Marquis of Buckingham, however, must be admitted as an honourable exception. This has proved the bane of Ireland. The ftate chariot, amidst all the changes of its poffeffor, has rolled. the fame way without variety or deviation; but time has impaired its ftrength and multiplied its impediments. The moment for its reparation has arrived, or ruin threatens the chariot and its guide. In your Lordship the Public have found a mind above the attractions of indolence and pleasure, too high to obey what it fhould command, and too honest to neglect any of its duties. To your Excellency therefore does Ireland look for providence as to her future condition, as well as for ability, temper, and integrity, in regulating her prefent affairs.

It is furprifing how much the internal concerns of Ireland are mifreprefented in England, and how little is the information abroad of the real state of that country. From this ignorance has the British Cabinet proceeded blindfold in the management of Ireland; their knowledge of Irish affairs is through the -medium of the Viceroy, who reports nothing from his own experience; he is the flave of pleasure, and the agent of his own fervants. On his arrival in Ireland he finds an aristocracy holding the keys of Parliament, and in poffeffion of all the great offices of ftate; an imparlance inftantly takes place, and the refult of this concord and agreement is, the Viceroy's transferring

transferring to the ariftocracy all the real and virtual power of government, with the authority of the King's name, in exchange for perfonal repofe, a polite court, and an accommodating Parliament. Hence the ftatements of fucceffive Governors to the British Cabinet are all of one complexion; not a fingle ray of light beams on them from any quarter; all is ignorance and darkness. Befides the inertnefs and inactivity of the Viceroy, other caufes may contribute to the want of information, as well as mifmanagement of Irish affairs, which it may be useful to examine.

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Remotely fituated as Ireland is from the fountain of her government, fhe muft in fome measure feel the inconvenience of provincial dependency. The common fovereign of both countries can refide in but one; Ireland therefore, as junior and inferior, can enjoy only the reflection of the royal light. She muft therefore, from the nature of things, be more fubject to abuse, and lefs likely to be redreffed; befides, her distance from the royal ear renders it neceffary that her government fhould be vicarious, which fubjects her to further inconvenience. The Sovereign living in the midft of his fubjects has an intereft in their happinefs, and in the peace of his kingdom, at leaft for the term of his life; the Viceroy bounds all his views within the period of his adminiftration only, which can continue but a few years, and which a thoufand caufes may terminate prematurely, without reference to impropriety of conduct. The Monarch at his birth derives his duties from nature, and his whole education is how to discharge them; the Viceroy is the fleward, whofe rectitude is matter of accident, and whofe intereft contravenes his duty. The character of one is original and parental, affectionate and permanent, of the other, derivative and tutelary, felfifh and fleeting. The effects of this difference in character are obvious, and are abundantly confirmed in the hiftory of Ireland. The ftatute of Henry the Seventh, known by the name of Poyning's Act, which made it neceffary

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to tranfmit into England the feveral bills intended to be paffed in the Parliament of Ireland previous to their introduction there, and to exemplify the causes and reafons for holding parliament, was enacted for the fole purpose of protecting the English colony from the oppreffion and exaction of the King's reprefentative. This very act, which put the Irish fettlement under the immediate protection of the English Government, and fhielded it from the rapacity of governors, became in fubfequent time, by a strange perverfion, the object of popular odium and the fubject of general diffatisfaction in Ireland: the people there were taught to view in it an unjuft control in the British Parliament, proceeding from force and ufurpation; though the hiftory of that act, and its own provifions, demonftrate the parental affection and benevolence of England for that country. Notwithstanding the disadvantage attending the exercise of the royal authority through the medium of a deputy in Ireland, were there any connection between her Legislature and that of England, if the English Parliament had a fuperintending power to examine and decide on the affairs of Ireland, the inconvenience of vice-regal government would hardly exift, more particularly if Ireland were a conftituent of the British Parliament, and had immediate and direct access to its counfels by regular reprefentation. However, at prefent fhe has an independent and feparate Legislature, which, however it oppofe vulgar notions, and give offence to popular prejudice, I fhall not fcruple to affert, has, under the peculiar circumftances of Ireland, promoted rather than corrected the inconvenience of delegated government; and has opened rather than excluded the admiffion of abuse, which, in fome degree, muft ever attend the exercise of power in fituations removed from immediate inquiry and control.

The firft object with the Chief-Governor in Ireland is to fecure the fupport of the Parliament, which he finds exclufively exercising all the powers of legifla