livelihood by giving it. This paradox they explain by fimply ftating, that what affects the body operates alfo on the mind. Now, the People of a country are the fociable body, and their reprefentatives in Parliament the national intelligence or public mind. It has been long known that very dangerous disorders have afflicted your national body, and it has been nearly as long known that the national mind has been heretofore unfuccefsful in applying falutary medicines to thofe diforders: what is then to be done, but to ask advice of fome other national intelligence, and what national intelligence will deliver it with more impartiality than the imperial parliament.

But another difficulty prefents itself to impede this defirable Union, which is the ftrong objection which peers and country gentlemen who have the patronage of Boroughs, may feel at refigning what has fo long contributed to their confequence in the country perhaps to fomething more than mere confequence. The fee fimple of a Borough in Ireland, if I am rightly informed is £10,000, and the odium which vulgar prejudice may attach to the fale of one in favour of an imperial Parliament may, at a high calculation be valued at £.5000 more, and this is a very extravagant calculation indeed for perfonal dan ger, when men hazard their lives every day for nothing, and great minds have always looked with contempt on the refentment of the vulgar. Then the fum of £.15,000 may be allowed to be the value of a Borough difpofed of on imperial confiderations; a fum which the honor of Minifters will immediately discharge and which (furious

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(furious as the refentment of the people may prove) fhould fully fatisfy every fuch Borough proprietor who ought to forget himself, and even his country, when the good of the Empire is concerned.

Again, it is foutly and I confefs plaufibly af ferted, that," a kingdom which fubjects itself to the will of another, from that moment becomes its flave." Now that this is altogether falfe, I fhall prove by the domeftic example of man and wife, for the woman, instead of lofing her natural liberty by uniting herfelf with her fellowcreature man, immediately participates in the latitude of his demeanour, to the great envy of virgins, the great rage of widows, and the great gain of practitioners in the Spiritual courts.

On this principle the Scots confented to their Union with Britain, and although difaffected PerJons affect to infinuate that England would have compelled their Union, if the Caledonians had not judiciously confented to it before coercion would have forced them, yet, it must appear plain to every lover of British Afcendancy, that the Scots acted wifely as they always do, and though it may be urged that two Rebellions have defolated that country fince the Marriage Knot was tied, every man knows, who knows human nature, that no Union can be conftituted fo entirely felicitous, as not to admit of occafional heartburnings.

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But the Welsh united, and are now fo happy in their junction that not a

murmur is heard in that whole Principality. "Tis true indeed, Edward the ft. taught them fome leffons in

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troductory to paffive obedience to the will of England, which they hold in grateful remembrance to this day. But Ireland has no gratitude of fo indelible a nature as the Welsh, and no pretences to the wifdom of fecond fight as the Scots, to urge her to an Union; her Union must be voluntary, and furely Great Britain muft regard fuch a contract as the higheft act of love, when no power of Arms or contiguity of Territory can be looked upon as motives to the alliance.

Other enemies of an Union object to the time, as improper for the difcuffion of fo momentous a fubject, ftating that the opinion of the country cannot be taken, on account of the violence of the paffions of the people; this indeed is a truly Irish reafon against an Union, and in fact, is the identical motive of the British Minifter, in bringing it forward, for an Union, as I faid before, is like marriage, and can never be heartily contracted, if the paflions of the people are not all alive.

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I have indeed been very uneafy at hearing fome very well-intentioned people exprefs fober fears that the taxes of Ireland might be greatly increased by refigning the power over their own purfes into the hands of Strangers, who might not be exactly acquainted with what they would with, or indeed what they may be able to pay. But this uneafinefs ceafes, when it is recollected that one ninth of the Imperial Parliament will be Irishmen, whofe bufinefs there will be to give a true account of the wealth of their own country, and refpectfully requeft the other eight ninths, (who may poffibly have the intereft of another

fame aconomy

nation in view, in preference to that of Ireland) to refpect the circumftances of their conftituents and manage their moneys with the that diftinguifhed the Irish Parliament previous to the Union. And no doubt their remonftrances (for they certainly will unanimously remonftrate) must be duly refpected, because it would not be confiftent with the magnanimity of the Imperial Parliament to take advantage of the paucity of Irish Reprefentatives, or to opprefs a poor Nation because that poor Nation had conftitutionally, and irrevocably bound itself not to refift fuch oppreffion.

Nothing has been more grievously complained of by many very honeft Irifhmen, with whom I have converfed, than the unneceffary multiplication of places with which every official department is overloaded, and that very many Irish Families indeed who till of late were unknown, now occupy almoft every lucrative and honorable poft in the Kingdom. Now, if this be true, it is certainly a grievance which fhould be redreffed; and a main argument for an Union is, that nothing but an Union can redrefs it. I admit however that there may be reafon and policy in giving the chief employments of an independant Nation to the natives of it, and that the number of thofe employments cannot poffibly be reftrained in oppofition to the fpirit of its government. But the reason that establishes this claim to official preference is the fpecious one, that the business of a Nation ought to be managed by the Feople of it. Now an Union alters the cafe, for then the Empire will take place of the Kingdom of Ireland, and the

majority

majority of the Empire who will evidently be the English will then poffefs, and have a right to poffefs, every Office of honor and emolument in the Irish Nation. The unneceffary increase of office too will alfo find a quick remedy in the falutary effects of an Union; for the reafon of excess in the number of the new created employments is certainly to appeafe the avidity of a party that might otherwife impede the career of the executive branch of your government, but fhould an Union be effected that Party, and indeed every other Party in your Kingdom, falling at once into contempt; the public employments will be all managed by Englishmen, and the Imperial Minifter, freed from the little jealoufies of colonial difquiet will regulate your revenues and your revenue offices without once thinking of the people or the bafhaws of your country. Now here is an argument in fubftance, the People with their eyes fhall fee the degradation of their Rulers. They fhall fee the high and the overbearing fallen! fallen! fallen to low eftate and odious even in their own eyes-a gratification to the vulgar that muft more than make amends for even the greatest of political evils.

The fame fpirit of, perhaps well meaning uneafinefs, has alarmed a great many perfons in your Country who are not altogether ignorant of the comparative, or relative opulence of the Nation for fay they," shall we unite our Kingdom which is free, or almost free, from the incumbrance of National Debt with a bankrupt People whofe revenues are mortgaged for 500,000,000 of Pounds Sterling, a fum greater than the fee fimple of all the Taxes ex