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dies reforming themselves. This, I contend, muft depend altogether on the coincidence of the part vitiated with the part which is to apply the remedy; for unless the defect itself neceffarily precludes the poffibility of applying the power of reformation, the paradox ceases, and no more involves an abfurdity, than that a physician should use his own prescriptions to cure himself of a diforder. At At any rate, the late rebellion has proved, that there is a powerful loyalty in Ireland-that the Nation abominates revolution, whether it is attempted by the fociety of United Irishmen, the British Cabinet, the Irish Parlia ment, or the French Directory.

Indeed, the arguments of a violent party for a Union appear to me as extravagant, as those of the moderate party are wholly unintelligible; with what confiftency can those who are furiously difpofed to remove the vitiated representation of Ireland juftify the incorporation of one vitiated body with another; with what reafon can they expect that two affemblies, being in their feparate capacities too much under the influence of the crown, will on their incorporation be lefs under its dominion? With what fhew of truth can they affert, that the incorporated Parliaments will be more inclined to act with an attentive regard to the interefts of the public? If vitiated bodies

will not reform themselves in their feparate capacity, what reason have we to expect an imperial reformation; on the contrary, will not incorpo ration, by multiplying its difficulties, impede reformation, and will an Union have any other effect than to substitute one evil for another; and fet the hope of improvement at a more remote diftance than before?

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Efteeming therefore the arguments drawn from the unreasonable protection, given to the British merchant in the Irish market, and from the depraved ftate of the representation of the Irish Nation in Parliament, admirable arguments for a reform, but contemptible, and abfurd as in favour of an Union, I fhall now proceed to confider the question on comprehenfive principles of political economy. In this improved æra of the human mind, the merchants and country gentlemen of Ireland fcarce require to be reminded, that the proportion of capital to revenue, every where regulates the proportion between industry and idleness; that wherever capital predominates, industry prevails, wherever revenue; idleness; and that the two million annual remittance to Irish absentees, is to all intents and purposes the fame lofs to Ireland, as two millions given as revenue to England, with this difference that inftead of being paid into the trea

fury,

fury, it is paid to a numder of idle, proud prodigal individuals; every encrease or diminution of capital, naturally tends to increase or diminish the real quantity of industry, the number of productive hands, and confequently the exchangeable value of the annual produce of land and labour of the country, the real wealth and resource of its inhabitants. My first propofition is:

Ift. That an Union will have an immediate tendency to diminish Capital.

2dly. That it will occafion a change of Capital, from one part of the country to another; or from one kind of trade to another, which is very nearly as bad as a

diminution.

3dly. That it will be a perpetual impediment to the encreafe of Capital to the extent to which it would otherwife accumulate.

The diminution of Capital would be occafioned in two ways: first, by the encrease of abfentees, 2dly, by taxation. After fupporting a diminished establishment, there would be no more occasion for the money raised in Ireland, to return to Ireland, than the money fent at prefent to abfentees, to return to the country. It is furely moft likely that the great fums collected from a fubjugated dependency, would be employed to the advantage of the fubjectors. Very flight objections indeed will be neceffary to prevent Parliamentary grants, for the im

provement

provement of Ireland, when there is not an immediate feeling of regard, and an inborn sympathy in the great majority of the Imperial Parliament. Added therefore to the pofitive lofs from encreafed abfentees, there is the lofs refulting from taxes laid on, if not to reproduce for ourselves, poffibly for our pofterity. The wretched cafe of Scotland is often brought forward to illustrate the advantages of an Union, between Ireland and England; but Ishould be glad to know what Scotland would have been at this day, if England had not been a sponge to draw a given quota from that country, and if the capital which fince the Union has been fent to London was employed by the industrious and vigilant Scotch, in reproducing with a profit under the direction of fuch men as Adam Smith, and the intelligent political economists of that country?

It is pretty generally allowed, and with great fhew of truth, that the metropolis and the adjacent counties would be peculiarly injured by an Union; at the fame time that it is univerfally admitted, that under an independent Legislature Dublin is as well calculated for a great metropolis, as any other part of the country. I am told that the North and South, Belfast and Cork, expect to raise themselves on the ruins of the metropolis :

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tropolis: I hope in God, that humanity, and national feeling, and all the dear and valued qualities of mankind are not fled and banished from this country for ever: do the merchants of these cities remember the conduct of the towns Salem and Marblehead toward Bofton, in the commencement of hoftilities with America, and not blush and shrink into their counting-houfes with horror, at the imputation of their being even inscr clined to owe an exaltation (which they may have by their induftry, without an Union) to the heart-breaking misfortunes of Builders, Canal Companies, Bankers, and of numerous other descriptions of perfons involved in the neceffary downfal of one part of their country? Perfons, with numerous families, educated to enjoy that competence which they have been long intitled to expect, and on the mifery of the poor difere banded manufacturers of the metropolis, who will be compelled to fit amidst their weeping fami lies, and curfe their useless hands which are not longer able to procure them food, and which indig nant paffion will turn to maffacre, to affaffination, to rebellion and civil war, when an abandoned policy will not employ them in the laudable amelioration of human condition; but, thank God, all that humanity, and true policy, are in general in feparable! I do implore those narrow-minded,

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