To the Merchants, &c.

1

GENTLEMEN,

SOLON the celebrated legislator of Athens,
enacted a law for the capital punishment of
every
citizen who should continue neuter when
great queftions were agitated in that republic.
He thought that declining to take a decided
part on great and critical occafions, a proof
of that odious indifference to the interefts of
the commonwealth, as could be expiated only
by death-I blame the rigour of the law, tho'
I confess the principle on which it was found-
ed was juft, politic and expedient. In a poli-
tical controversy relating to men and measures,
a well-wisher to his country may be permitted
to remain filent, but when the great interefts
of the country are at ftake, it becomes every
man to speak and act with firmness and vigour.

7

-I think it was Mr. Burke who declared, that on fuch occafions the law armed every man with the power of the magiftrate-I confider the present as an occafion of this nature, and shall therefore

A 2

therefore make no apology for laying before the commercial part of the nation, the reflections which it has fuggefted.

The confideration of the great fubject of Union is fitter for a volume than a letter-I understand, that except in the metropolis there are mercantile men in Ireland who ofcilate in doubt and uncertainty as to the expediency or inexpediency of the measure: I am furprised at it, I moft fincerely regret it I thought they had obtained their commercial privileges too flowly, and with too great difficulty not to appreciate them properly after they had acquired them, let other writers expose the impolicy of Union on principles of general expediency, and the ftate of human mind, &c. I propofe to confine myself to the commercial part of the question alone, and to range thro' no other field than that of political economy-Truth is only fupported by evidence, and as when this is prefented we cannot withold our affent, fo when this is wanting, no power or authority can command it.

To take a luminous view of the question, it would certainly be neceffary to confider it under three different heads:-1ft, The moral effects of Union or its tendency on the mind, as it may fap the foundation of all human virtue, the love of country; 2dly, The political

effects

દ

effects of Union, in depriving us of the control. of a refident legiflature, and expofing ourfelves to be governed by an alien parliament, in an alien land, and returned by an alien people," and in the corrupt manner in which the English parliament is notorioufly returned, and 3dly, The commercial confequences of a legiflative incorporation; the latter is the immedi-ate fubject of the prefent enquiry.

All mercantile men will agree with me, that for one politician who is really acquainted with the true principles of political œconomy, there are five hundred who affume that title without knowing any thing of the matter-they will likewife agree with me, that a regulation or restriction which may not injure one quarter of the country may extinguish another; and that to advance a nation commercially, an immediate intercourfe and knowledge of the peculiar circumftances of the country is a neceffary and effential preliminary.

In most cases it is certainly true, that the fharp-fighted endeavour of every man to better his own condition will overcome the ill effects of erroneous legiflative inftitution, but I have no doubt, but as a general propofition it will bé conceded to me-that in common with every country, Ireland has as ftrong a claim from the neceffity of the cafe to a refident legisla

ture,

M

ture, on the principle of different peculiarities of foil, fituation, of wealth in one part, and great comparative poverty in another, as any country whatsoever.

Of the various arguments which have been urged against the prefent state of the reprefentation of the people, I know of none ftronger than that which is adduced from the unavoidable exclufion of the merchants, from a due influence in the legiflature of this commercial country, under the prefent fyftem. of proprietorship.—If the refident parliament of Ireland, acquainted with the local circumstances of the country, too frequently exhibits a grofs ignorance of the confequences of new impofts or regulations on certain parts of the country-I would be glad to afk, whether it is more likely, that the imperial parliament, fitting in England, and compofed of a great majority of gentlemen who generally refide in England, would be more intimately converfant with all the local circumstances of the country-I am addreffing myself to commercial men, and fhould deeply expose my own ignorance, if I thought it neceffary to ftop a moment to put a cafe, where an import or regulation which may be tolerated without any material injury to fome parts of the empire, might from want of this

local

local knowledge and the proper precaution to prevent its injurious operation, carry distress, mifery and bankruptcy, to other parts of the community-general rules of taxation, and general principles of political ceconomy, are like general rules of health. The former may be wife in a country where there has been a diffused profperity, and in which one part may not be wealthier than the other; the latter will have little efficacy where the human frame is affailed by partial diftempers, which require fome local and immediate application; I fhall not dwell longer on this argument of ex-. pediency, which as I revolve it in my mind impreffes me as conclufive againft an Union, but I fhall turn immediately to a nearer and clofer examination of this important enquiry. For this purpose, I feel it my duty to lay before you in a very short and comprehenfive manner, the ftate of Ireland, as to her commerce in the different æras of her hiftory.

Ift. The commercial fituation of Ireland before 1779.

2d. The commercial fituation of Ireland :: in 1785.

3d. The commercial fituation of Ireland

in 1799.