the fober judgment of the nation rebukes his ungenerous and unfeeling levity, cut the cords. of affection, or diminish the magnanimous regard of an honorable people. It is right that a nation fhould know the extent of any injury fhe might by poffibility receive, and therefore we shall stop a moment to confider, Whether Great Britain could or could not materially hurt Ireland in any ungenerous regulation towards that manufacture, which was introduced into Ireland on the facred promife from England of its being entitled to uniform protection, and for which the staple manufacture then in an advanced state of profperity, was cruelly facrificed. I admit the English market to be the best, because the nearest to the linen manufacturer.

It may be faid that there is nothing to prevent the extenfion of the staple manufacture.Granted---It cannot be extended without capital, skill, and industry; and where there is a protecting Government over fuch a country as Ireland, it is idle to fay, that (fuppofing the further growth to be reftricted) money and industry would not reproduce to the inhabitants of Ireland, in fome other article of manufacture or trade, as well as in the linen manufacture; the linen manufacture was conceded to Ireland, when no other was allowed; and, though any reftric

tion impofed in its infancy, or when it was the fole refource of the country, might have been extremely injurious, yet it is idle to suppose, that a regulation in one market towards one branch of manufacture could materially depress a country with increafing capital, skill, and industry, when the world is her mart, and every branch of trade open to her industry.

Ireland is not the only country which supplies England with linens, and there is that infinite variety in the manufacture of linens, that Germany, Pruffia, Scotland, and Ireland, can fend their linens to the British market without any ground for jealoufy; the fine linens of Ireland are the first in the world, and the coarse linens are not efteemed the best, and as it has been frequently faid " that as the manufacture is

improved to that degree of refinement that injures its quality, the excellence of the firft injures the fecond," the Ruffians and the Germans export no fuperior kind of linens, and the Irish would have felt long before now, the inconvenience, if any inconvenience could be felt from the competition; there is a duty unquestionably on the import of foreign linens into the British market, but it is notorious that that duty is drawn back on the exportation of the German and Ruffian linens from England to foreign

foreign markets, and that the draw back anfwers all the purpose of a bounty. The bounty paid on the exportation of Irish linens is confined to thofe of eighteen-pence per yard, and the Irish linens if ftamped forfeit their bounty on exportation, although the German linens if ftamped receive the draw back. Many thousand British fubjects live by retailing and stamping the fine linens of Ireland, and it is not to be fuppofed, that their government will combine against a commodity with which they cannot be elsewhere fupplied; the intent of the bounty on the exportation of Irish linens from England is nothing more nor less than to fecure the carrying trade of that extenfive manufacture to the British merchant, to deprive Ireland of the direct trade, and put the profits of it in the pocket of the English

merchant.

Why does America give a preference to the Irish linens over thofe of England or Scotland, Germany or Ruffia? On the fame principles that England does; because they answer.her purpose better than those of any other country. I never will set down to humanity or love of juftice what can only be afcribed to immediate self-interest.

Our fine linens must be prized whilft wealth and luxury pervade the world; and tho' the English prevented a direct exportation from Ireland, the different

different parts of that Country would procure and purchase them in foreign markets, though they could not import them direct, nor permit an Irish vcffel to enter the Thames with an Irish cargo; and the coarfe linens of Ireland are better for ftamping than those of other countries, the “foft spongy texture of our coarfe linen makes it receive the ftamp mark fuccefsfully, and its thinnefs fits it for women's use, and for hot climates.' When therefore we confider,

Ift. The infinite variety of the articles of Linens. adly. The admitted fuperiority of the Irish fine Linens, and their general ufe in the higher circles, of the people of all the Nations in the World.

3dly. The fuperior fitness of the coarfe linens for the ftamping bufinefs.

4thly. The limitation of the bounty on exportation to thofe under eighteen-pence a yard.

5thly. The forfeiture of the bounty on the exportation of ftamped linens.

6thly. The power which the country has now to turn its

capital, skill and industry, to all kinds of manufactures fuited to its ability, and to fend them to every market. 7thly. The purport of the bounty being to fecure the carrying trade to the British merchant.

these make it extremely clear to my mind, that we owe no obligation to England, on the score of the linen manufacture; that we have the fame fecurity in her market, as we have in the American or other markets, from the peculiar nature of out manufacture; and though the extenfion

of

of this manufacture were cramped, narrowed and reftricted, that we have a remedy now, which we never enjoyed before to relieve ourfelves from the only injury. I vow to God! I feel fhame and degradation in arguing this quef tion with fobriety; are the exports of England to Ireland of fo little confequence, that the would facrifice the advantages which the enjoys in the Irish market to fpleen, malice or the depreffion of the ftaple manufacture of this country? I am aware the hackneyed objection to this mode of argument does not arife from commercial confideration, but the exifting political abuses, and the power which the British minister has to move his Irish puppets at his pleafure, but let me afk, has he not the fame power in England, look to the number of placemen and pensioners in the English Parliament, and it will account for his majorities. Recollect the petitions against the treason and fedition bills; this one folitary inftance without exhaufting patience will furnish innumerable reproofs on the happy expreffion" the control of public opinion." The Parliament of England is distant from our view, we cannot contemplate the wounds which it has received from courtly influence, the Parliament of Ireland is under our eyes, and as the

wound