sovereign) from their predeceffors in all those views and principles, which the theory of the fyftem neceffarily inculcated.

Had Lord Townsend been more vigorous, this might have been now a tranquil and an independent country, the popular frenzy had not then become epidemick in Europe, and the parts of our conftitution might then have been new modeled without over-fetting the whole,—but fince the new lights have arisen in the south, to touch any part of the constitution would be opening a flood-gate for the torrents of democracy.

From that period it has been the policy of the British cabinet to temporize,-the philofophick eye of that cabinet faw that it was impoffible to govern fuch a fyftem upon any plan of permanent regulation, they saw that within the last century the population of the country notwithstanding all its drawbacks had encreased in a powerful degree, that to uphold the fyftem as it then ftood, it would be neceffary to encrease the co-ercion of the ariftocracy in the fame ratio with the nume

rical increase of the people, that the natural progrefs of population would fhortly outflank the line of the ariftocracy, and laftly, that a fyftem of reciprocal exertion and coercion could not be vigorous or healthy, but muft neceffarily verge to a diffolution, and therefore the wifeft minifters, that ever adorned the imperial councils, have from that period to the prefent, been of opinion, that an Union was the only measure by which this country could be faved from all the defolation of civil hoftility. Such a measure however could not well be proposed to fuch a country until the eyes of the people fhould be completely opened to their fituation, and therefore until fuch a period arrived, the country was neceffarily governed upon the expediency of the moment, fometimes favouring the views of the ariftocracy, fometimes granting indulgences to the people.

At length the spirit of emancipated America, in its progrefs to the eaftern continent, touched upon the coaft of this country. Every body remembers the magick and electrical effect of that spirit upon the people here in raising

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and arraying fuch an army as the world never beheld before, and its refult in obtaining by that people from that parliament, a fucceffion of commercial and conftitutional advantages up to the year 1783, when what is now called our parliamentary independance, was finally established.

The declaimers in behalf of our parliamen tary fyftem put thefe falutary laws as inftances of a certain dormant patriotick energy within our conftitution which at times may be called into exercife. But I appeal to the people and to the world, whether thofe laws were not wrung from a fulky aristocracy by an armed community. I appeal to the volunteer parliament, that was then fitting at the Rotunda. I appeal to the parliamentary! debates, whether the volunteer army was not arrayed against the Irish parliament. I appeal to the parliamentary journals and to the recollection of every man living, whether thefe falutary provifions were not the effect of the -bounty of our fovereign acting upon the? wifhes of the Irish people.

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Our parliamentary conftitution as established in 1783, poffeffed the fame radical vice with our original conftitution in the time of James the firft,-it did not embrace the great body of the people.-Such an inftitution may be a pale, it may be any thing, but it could be no parliament,-it was a column with a fplendid capital, and a corrupt fhaft, but without any bafe. It had however three effects, and only three that I can perceive. It made the government of the country morally impracticable for the executive minifter, but upon a fyftem of corruption, commenfurate to the extent in which our ariftocracy was rendered independent of the imperial councils.First the annual attendance upon parliament, together with the infect pride of fluttering in the funshine of the court, increased the expences of the aristocracy, and made them at once needy and venal; fecondly to provide for thofe it was neceffary to create a number of new places, which new places created a number of rival candidates, and thirdly those disappointed candidates formed a fyftematick oppofitionthat blazoned forth to a people lately gifted with the power of reflection, all the frailties

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of the conftitution, and all the corruptions of the aristocracy. The mischiefs arifing from hence were never feverely felt until after the fatal period of the regency, to which period, as to the proximate cause may be traced the diffolution of all government, in this country. That part of the aristocracy, who had been degraded by Lord Townsend, faw that fince the inftalment of their rivals, all the valuable incidents to power had been more than quadrupled in the state, and the regency offered them an opportunity of regaining their fituation. The Marquis of Buckingham then prefided in this country, and hitherto had the parliament at his devotion, but in spite of all his exertions to the contrary, a confiderable majority of that parliament abandoned him to follow the fortunes of the rifing faction,— every body remembers their overthrow, and the formidable oppofition they afterwards arrayed against the government of Lord Weftmoreland, an oppofition confifting almoft of all the talents of the land, and of a number of the old fervants of government, who knew every spot in which the fyftem was vulnerable.-In proportion as this oppo