Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

worshipped as Wisdom and Discretion. It is no flourish,---it is a truth,---to state that by removing the terrors which obscure and blast our land, we reinflate it in the poffeffion of whatever advantages Nature gave it; and relieve the British poffeffor of capital from all apprehenfions of availing himself of thofe advantages, and fettling it in that part of the Empire, where it will be moft productive. I will ask any candid nan, what, after Union, political difference there could be between Ireland, and the fame quantity of British territory in England? or what should deter the capitalift from eftablishing himself in this district of the empire, if its natural fituation made it suitable to his purposes? Will any man deny that Ireland is poffeffed of eminent natural advantages? or that hitherto some fatal impediment has prevented them from being fruitful? No man will be believed, who controverts either pofition. No man can expect credit, who affects to doubt, that the diftinctnefs of the kingdoms, and confequent fuppofed infecurity of their connexion, the convulfions which have depreciated the value of property, and damped the fpirit of commercial enterprife and exertion,-and which having aimed at destroying the connexion, might be attributed to that diftinctnefs, which rendered it insecure, the views of our enemies directed peculiarly to this country, and involving a prefumption, that they difcovered fome frailty in the connexion,-that thefe, I say, were caufes, adequate to reftrain our commerce, and deter capital from fettling amongst us, and that they are caufes which Union would remove.

Obferve the language which the Dean of Gloucester puts into the mouths of certain English manufacturers, who were oppofing the puniness of their selfish details to the profperity of the empire" They" (the Irish) would run away with "our trade"(You differ from this conjecture of the English traders :) Who" (replies the Dean)" would run away "with it or where would they run to?" " Why, truly, our "own people" (the Irish). would carry fome part of a manu"facture from us to themselves."-" But what detriment

"would

[ocr errors]

"would this be to the publick? the people of Yorkshire "have done the fame by Gloucestershire and Wiltshire."*Thus this writer admitted (and the English traders urged) that, Union would carry capital into Ireland; but he wifely added,, that this would not be a lofs to England, but an acquifition to the empire to Jurmal Virve to za Alnena ger de mor ཨིན་རྒྱ་,}v/ STA 9 J TO VIRC 209 D* Truly has the British Minifter afferted, that the interests of the two countries should be taken together; and that a man cannot speak as a true Irishman, without fpeaking as a true Englishman; por vice verfat. Union could not contribute to British greatness, without encreafing the profperity of Ireland. The imperial advantages which it produced, would not ftagnate in England: they muft ultimately circulate through all the limbs of the British empire. ). For stay

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

Having protested against their conclufivenefs, I attend you into your details.

G

After enumerating the four principal manufactures of Eng land, you affirm that the want of fuel will prevent their migrating into Ireland.

Suppofe (however improbable) that they should not; and.. what does this prove? only that the capital which travelled hither, would employ itself in a mode more 'conformable to the natural foil, means, and fituation of this country.

[ocr errors]

But you forget the comparative cheapness of labour and provifion here. Undoubtedly, in England, a manufacture in which fuel was wanting, would not travel from the neighbourhood of a plentiful colliery, to a country where coals. were fcarcer, while the price of food and labour remained the fame. But (not to mention that the objection will not apply. to the chance of manufactures being established on our coafts) .31 blow

Dean Tucker's Propofal.

the

See Mr. Pitt's Speech, of which, Gince I began this letter, I have obtained a Copy. P. 69.

4

the comparative lownefs of wages, and rate of provifion here," might more than compenfate the greater dearnefs of fuel, and either afford, on the average, a temptation, or at least so equalize the oppofité inducements in this refpect, as to leave the adventurer free to weigh the refpe&tive benefits of an Irish and English fituation iu other points.---Nay again, these other advantages might fo predominate on the fide of Ireland, as to redeem the objection of fcarcity of fuel,---though not compenfated in the degree fuppofed, by the cheapness of that food and labour, which are as requifite as coals can be, to a manufacture. ---Befides, what fhould prevent British adventure from putting an end to all your arguments, by finding coal in Ireland? It is true that in p. 69 you fay, she has it not; but in p. 88, you acknowledge that "Coal exifts in Ireland; which we have never looked for effectually, but for which neceffity may "compel us to fearch." It may be the mere want of capital which has hitherto prevented a successful search ;---and the numerous other advantages which this country offers, might very probably cause its being employed (by working our colleries,) to remove the only impediment which you fuggeft, to the eftablishment of manufactures.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

England" (you fay)" finds a full call for all fhe makes : every year affords an encreafing demand."*---What føllows? a temptation to veft more capital in bufiness : a temptation, which would immediately operate to fend fuch manufactures to tranquilized and united Ireland, as her fituation gave opportunity for eftablishing to advantage; and which, as by the Union the empire waxed more ftrong and profperous, would operate ftill more powerfully in favour of this country; both by encouraging enterprife, and by rendering Britain too small a fphere, for its overgrown capital to move and act in.

:

The (conftructive) bounty to the Irish manufacturer, of forty fhillings on every ton of imported iron, has not brought capital into Ireland. Is your inference that Union may not introduce it-I, for my part, can conceive that confpiracy defeatedproperty

[blocks in formation]

property fecured---the connexion ftrengthened---the people conciliated---the country tranquilized---the enemy baffled in all attempts at feparation---might operate more effectually to bring capital into Ireland, than even a bounty of forty fhillings a ton on imported iron. Then, indeed, this bounty might have its additional (though comparatively puny) effect; and tend to induce the fettlement of a manufacture here.---But after Union "this bounty will be extinguished:" Not abruptly; or to the discouragement of trade. The fyftem of protecting duties, according to the best commercial authorities, is founded on an erroneous principle; but it will not follow that what it was injudicious to establish, it will therefore be wife too fuddenly to demolish; and therefore you very truly state that the articles of Union merely propose a poffible perioil at which those duties are to cease. +---Difmifs your fears---that "Indi

[ocr errors]

viduals will look to winding up their business, in order to withdraw their capital againft that period."--They will be content to have trade nurfed as long as it continues weak; and will not prepare to withdraw their capital from a manufacture, becaufe it is likely foon to throw away its staff, and ceafe to lean on the protection which it has ceafed to want, "We import iron at 12s. 6d. : Britain imports it at nearly 31.; and fuch import duty on this raw material, is fitted to our infant flate."§ If you be warranted in this läft affertion, which I do not mean to controvert, I muft, however, on that very account, diffent from what you add ; and deny that " every man concerned in the iron manufacture here, muft expect the United Parliament will put these duties "on a level." If the Imperial Parliament have (as it may have) a discretion on this point, the prefumption is, that it will fo regulate, between Britain and Ireland, the import duties on the raw materials of manufacture, as to proportion them to the maturity or infancy of thefe ftates. Even suppose finance to be the object of the Minifter, yet to make Ireland productive, he muft make it affluent to make the empire thrive and flourish in all its parts, he muft promote the prosperity

* P. 69. † P. 92.

I lb.

§ Ib.

|| Ib.

profperity of its Irish limb; and confequently he will adopt measures, that fhall fofter our manufactures, and encourage loofe capital to fix itself amongst us.

The fame reasoning will apply to what you fay, with refpe&t to farmers. "These," you observe, "muft look with uncer"tainty to the continuance of the corn bounties; and expect "that the principles, on which those bounties have been difcon"tinued from one part of Ireland to another, and from the "whole of it to Dublin, will be extended, on a similar reason

ing, by the United Parliament, to the whole of the united "Empire."* You, Sir, I recollect, fupported the difcontinuance of those corn bounties: I must presume that you fuffered them to remain, until the farmer had ceased to require this encouragement; nor do I fuppofe, that an united Parliament would extend the like discontinuance to the whole of the united Empire, until agriculture, grown more vigorous, no longer wanted fuch fupport.

Much of what you urge, appears to me to be objectionable in one of the following points of view: it either merely goes to fhew what the terms of Union fhould provide; or what ought to be the future conduct of the imperial legislature; (and therefore would be fit matter to offer to the united Parliament, or to our's, when the terms of Union were difcuffing;)—or, fecondly, your arguments reft on the fophiftical affumption, that the fituation of the countries, when united, will remain the fame which it is, while they are distinct and thus you debate the queftion upon falfe premifes, and upon a fuppofition of circumftances, which will not then exist.

:

Of the first defcription, are your reafonings in page 93, and 110. The first of which might have great weight with the united Parliament, or with the Commiffioners, whofe province it was to arrange the terms,- -to fhew to them, that different fyftems of taxation fhould be pursued here, and in Great Britain; and the second might, in the fame place, be equally effica

[merged small][merged small][ocr errors]
« ZurückWeiter »