But however that may be, there are various contingencies through which one part of the nation or the other might be drawn into appealing to the Crown against the pressure of intolerable evils. There is, for instance, what I have already mentioned, the possible preponderance in the House of Commons of the ultra-Radical party, bent on overthrowing the whole social system of the country. If the struggle between property and numbers, which according to Dr. Arnold comes to most great empires in time, should assume a violent aspect in this country, the conservative forces of society might thank God' that they had a centre to rally round. I own, however, that I think such an issue as this more remote than either of two others, of which some premonitory symptoms are not wanting even now. Is it not possible that as the conservative classes might be frightened by the rise of democracy, so the intellectual classes might be disgusted by the deterioration of the House of Commons? 6 I shrink from speaking evil of dignities. But is it not a fact which Englishmen have seen with sorrow, that the House of Commons within the last quarter of a century has gradually ceased to be what it once was, both intellectually and socially? Sir William Harcourt once told his fellow members that eloquence was a lost art. Old habitués of the House complain that we have no debaters. But what is still worse than either deficiency, is the comparatively low level from which public questions are approached in that assembly. Aristotle does not seem to have contemplated such a thing as a rich democracy, and he gives as the three democratic characteristics, ἀγενεία, πενία, βαναυσία. If we make the necessary alteration required by modern circumstances, these words will explain very much what I mean by the lower level of thought from which public questions are regarded. It is therefore within the bounds of possibility, that in the course of a few years the House of Commons may have so far forfeited the respect of the more educated and intellectual classes, as to cause them either to stand aloof from political life altogether, or to cast in their lot with any party whose principles may seem best calculated to restore the dignity of government. Finally, if neither Conservatives shall be driven to the Crown as the best barrier against Communism, nor thoughtful men as to the only elevating and liberalising power left in an age of political vulgarity, it is still possible that the nation at large may appeal to it from the strife of Parliamentary factions. Session after session wasted in factious wrangles, through which not the glimmer of a principle is ever seen to penetrate; the progress of measures, confessedly of great public importance, perpetually arrested by the violence of party feuds for which the nation cares nothing at all; the preponderance of private over public motives which is thus made conspicuous; these are phenomena which may be working a silent change in the sentiments of independent men, of which perhaps they themselves are yet unconscious, and the very possibility of which the practical politicians to whom Parliamentary traditions are a second Bible would contemptuously deny. The practical politician might be right, and I may be quite wrong. But it is my honest conviction that the House of Commons is on a downward course, on which it did not enter yesterday; and that unless it succeeds ere long in regaining its former hold on the respect and confidence of the people, the latter would look on with great indifference, if not with positive satisfaction, at The Progress of Personal Rule.' What would actually occur in such a case no one can pretend to say. They might resolve to return to Parliament none but men pledged to give a general support to the Prerogative. The duration of the Parliamentary session might be considerably abridged. I certainly cannot realise to my own mind the actual occurrence of a change so foreign to our own experience and all our habits of political thought. Dissatisfaction with the House of Commons might find vent in quite a different direction. But if there really is any chance of personal government being practically revived in this country, it will probably be due to some one of the causes I have mentioned. T. E. KEBBEL. INDEX TO VOL. IV. The titles of articles are printed in italics. ADL ADLER (Rabbi Hermann), Jews and Judaism, a Rejoinder, 133-150 Afghan Crisis, the, 969-989 cation (concluded), 98–115; V. Re- Anglo-Turkish Convention, anomalies Anthology, Greek, Chrysanthema gathered Anthropology, the department of, at Arnold (Dr.) on the wars of Israel and Art, a Familar Colloquy on Recent, 289– Art-Criticism, Limits of Modern, a reply, Artillery, Ironclad Field, 40-50 Cape, the, 1121-1138 Cape, the recent ministerial crisis at Capo d'Istria (Count John), elected Carlsbad, the decrees of, 237-238 Caucus, the, and its Consequences, 695– Chinese, the, as Colonists, by Sir Walter Christ, the second coming of, 120-126 Chrzanowski, Mr. Senior's conversation Church and State, a suggested Act for Church Question, the Second Advent and Colonial Governor, what is a? 1053-1071 EDISON (Prof.), the microtasimeter Colonial relations, our, 399, 571–573 objections of, to the English school 1-18 invented by, 771-777 Education in America, 98-115 in India, 1094 Egyptians, floral customs of the, 464-467 - - Elder (Dr.), his definition of 'coopera- Electoral Facts, 955–968 Empire, the British love of, 569–570 Prof. Tyndall's views on, 823–826 Ewart (J. C.), his researches on the life- Fawcett (Mrs.), The Future of English- Fellowship system of our universities, DALE (R. W.), Impressions of Fetishism, the earliest religion, 360-361 America. See America. Dallinger (Mr.), his researches on the Dannreuther on the music of Beethoven, Darwin (Mr.), his theory of the develop- Dicey (Edward), Nubar Pasha and our Drama, present condition of the, in Fitch (J. G.), University Work in great Flowers, the Ceremonial Use of, 457- Fontinalia, the festival of the, at Rome, Forbes (Archibald), The Fiasco' of Foreigner, the Friends of the, Seventy Forster (Mr.) and the Bradford Three Fowle (Rev. T. W.), The Place of Con- Frankfort, the insurrectionary fiasco of Future life, Egyptian conception of, AILLARDET, of, con- Draper Dr.), his investigations of the Gerning the will of Peter the Great, - GED Geddes (Prof.), his essay on the Homeric Germany, the attempted assassinations on the powers of the English sove- A Modern Symposium, 184-189 The Slicing of Hector, 752-764 God, Egyptian idea of, 1106-1111 - policy of the, during the recent war, Greece, music of, 59, 68-69 settlement of the boundaries of, 945- Greek Independence, Recollections of the the Religion of the, as illustrated by 326 Hardinge (William M.), Chrysan- Hazlitt, Barry Cornwall's estimate of, Hebrews, use of flowers by the, 467– Hector, the Slicing of, 752-764 DIOTS, mental faculties of, 665–667 government of, 578-581 the title of Empress of, 799-800 Protected Princes in, 151-173 the Future of, 1083-1104 Indigo-blue, artificial production of, 775- Industry, the New Principle of, 494-511 Insurance, National, 834-857 International Association, History of the, Intervention, reasons for and against, AFFIR war, 1134-1137 Hewlett (II. G.), Barry Cornwall, 643 Kenya, the,, 13ome Phases of 1091 Early Religious Development, 358-376 Knight (Prof. W.), Ethical Philosophy Prof. Tyndall's remarks on, 810-813 AMBERT (Miss Agnes), The Cere- Hoare (Rev. J. N.), The Religion of the Amonial Use of Flowers, 457-477 Ancient Egyptians, 1105-1120 |