5009 Magdalen College. 122 Merton Corpus. St. Edmund Hall. MARRIED. At Burton-upon-Trent, (by the Rev. Joseph Clay, M. A.) the Rev. Hastings Robinson, B. D. Fellow of St. John's College, and Rector of Great Warley, Essex, to Margaret Anne, eldest daughter of the late Joseph Clay, Esq, of Burton. The Rev. T. K. Arnold, M. A. Fellow of Trinity College, to Elizabeth, youngest daughter of the late Rev. C. T. Heathcote, D. D. At Bromley, Kent, (by the Venerable Archdeacon Pott), Robert S. Battiscombe, Esq. M. A. Fellow of King's College, to Eliza Rachel Alicia, only daughter of the late Perceval Pott, Esq. of the Bengal Civil Service. The Rev. Thomas Clowes, M. A. Fellow of Queen's College, to Caroline, eldest daughter of the Rev. Josiah Pratt, Vicar of St. Stephen's, Coleman Street, London. The Rev. E. Bather, M. A. Rector of Meole Brace, and Archdeacon of Salop, to Mary, daughter of the Rev. S. Butler, D. D. Archdeacon of Derby. NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS. Several communications lately received are under consideration. "U. Y." probably in our next. A paper upon the Date-Tree, &c. and another upon a passage in Gen. shall appear. CHRISTIAN REMEMBRANCER. JUNE, 1828. REVIEW OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. ART. I.-The History of the Reformation of the Church of England. By HENRY SOAMES. Vol. IV.-Reigns of the Queens Mary and Elizabeth. London. Rivingtons. pp. 750. “THE mightiest and the last!" Seven hundred and fifty pages, with notes no less luminous than voluminous, as poor Sheridan would have said; and these forming only one volume out of four, all equally profitable to the printer; and which, we sincerely hope, may prove alike advantageous to the adventurous publisher, and more especially to the zealous, the indefatigable author. We will venture to say, without fear of contradiction, that a work comprising so many evidences of painful and laborious research, so much of critical and sound reasoning, so many powerful arguments bearing so directly upon the subject discussed, and conveyed in language so impressive, and so well sustained; and, above all (as we have had occasion to observe in our notice of the foregoing volumes,) so illustrated by apposite notes, as entertaining as they are instructive; we venture to assert, that, taking its many merits into consideration, few works so useful (and at this time so much needed) have within the last century adorned the theological shelf. Finis coronat opus! And from our hearts we do congratulate Mr. Soames on this triumphant finale to his labours-triumphant, not more as respects the question at issue between the Romanist and the Protestant, than as regards the established reputation of the historian of the "Reformation"-his unquestioned reputation as an able and elegant scholar, industriously devoting his time and talents to their most appropriate object, the elucidation of Christian truth. The reigns of Mary and Elizabeth-the one marked in letters of blood, the other in characters of gold,-occupy the present volume. We shall pursue the plan adopted in our notice of the first three volumes, and analyse the subjects of which the learned historian treats, as briefly and as correctly as we can. Much the greater portion of the volume is given, as might have been anticipated, to the Marian persecution; but there is enough to interest and instruct in the more limited space allotted to the better Queen. The third volume brought us to the death of Edward the Sixth, breathing, in his last moments, the fervent prayer, that "God would defend his kingdom from Papistry, and maintain the true religion, that he and his people might praise his holy name for Jesus Christ's sake." Short as the late reign had been, observes the historian, it did not close before the Reformation was so far complete, as to afford inquiring minds ample means of estimating its value. The Sacred Record had been honestly unlocked, and the Church relieved from every principle and usage, incapable of solid justification from that infallible authority. We dwell not on the temporary accession of the Lady Jane Grey, whose brief enjoyment of the sovereign power was secured by the good offices of Northumberland, under the arrangements made by her royal cousin, by which his two illegitimate sisters had been excluded from the succession, and the crown settled upon her," the better to secure his realm from Papistry." But it was otherwise ordained—and this noble lady was destined very soon to resign that crown which she had so reluctantly consented to wear. (See a long note (Italian) from L'Historia Ecclesiastica, &c. &c. of Gerolami Pollini, to which the student of English history is referred for an interesting letter of the Lady Jane Grey, which bears every mark of genuineness.) Jane's assumption was merely viewed as a fresh instance of Northumberland's unprincipled ambition. "His real object was no other than to decorate his daughter-in-law with the mere show of royalty, until every thing was ripe for thrusting her aside, that he might usurp the diadem." In July, 1553, Mary assumed openly the royal style and authority; in the same month was proclaimed by the fickle multitude with the loudest acclamations; and Jane, without any appearance of emotion, though not without too well-grounded fears for her future safety,“ resigned the royal state." Mary's first act was to conciliate the citizens of London by a declaration that her intentions were tolerant! And almost the second, treading upon the heels of this gracious promise, was a severe persecution of the Protestants. Bishop Ridley was committed to the Tower; Cox, the late King's tutor, was imprisoned in the Marshalsea; Bradford and Rogers were placed under restraint; Hooper was sent to the Fleet; and the venerable Latimer, for his "seditious demeanour," was also despatched close prisoner to the Tower, a companion for the "seditious" Ridley. While the religious horizon of England was thus daily becoming more gloomy, Cranmer, whom we may well designate the Hero of the Reformation, passed his anxious hours at Lambeth, secluded from public business; but enjoined to "hold himself in readiness for an early summons to the Council." The present aspect of affairs (says Mr. Soames) was, indeed, highly distressing to all who loved the Reformation, and most alarming to such as had been prominent in the humiliation of Romanism. Many persons, accordingly, of scriptural principles began to meditate a flight from their devoted country before the gathering storm should burst upon it. Cranmer approved this course, as appears from a letter which he subsequently wrote to a religious friend. It was desirable, he said, to forsake a land which denied the liberty of truly worshipping God. Nor would any man fear lest his flight should bring discredit upon the Gospel, if he recollected that even our Saviour did not hesitate to elude the madness of the people before his hour was come, and that his apostles never rushed needlessly into danger. The Archbishop, however, himself refused to flee. Some of his friends urged him strongly to withdraw clandestinely from a country which no longer allowed him the hope of being either useful or secure. He nobly replied, "Were I likely to be called in question for treason, robbery, or any other crime, I should be much more likely to abscond than I am at present. As it is, the post that I hold, and the part that I have taken, require me to make a stand for the truths of holy Scripture. I shall, therefore, undergo with constancy the loss of life, rather than remove secretly from the realm." This virtuous resolve having been formed, he prepared for the worst by an exact adjustment of his affairs. Every claim against him was fully satisfied; and thus, when deprived of his resources, it was found that he had not a single creditor. This final arrangement of his pecuniary concerns was a great relief to his mind. "Thank God," he piously said, "I am now mine own man. I can now conscientiously, with God's help, answer all the world, and face any adversities which may be laid upon me."-Pp. 50, 51. It had been reported that Cranmer had offered to celebrate King Edward's obsequies, by officiating in a mass of Requiem. This was not true; but it was imputed as a crime to the Primate. The "declaration" which Cranmer made on this occasion, and which was shortly circulated through the whole metropolis, is given in a note, to which we would request the reader's attention. It is a curious document, remarkable for much severity of language;-the language of an innocent and injured man, which would doubtless have been softened down, had it not been somewhat suddenly demanded of him.-(P. 52, and note, p. 54.) The "tender mercies" of Queen Mary did not leave the venerable Cranmer long in suspense. In September he was summoned to the Council, and questioned as to his declaration; when he avowed himself the author, and manfully expressed his regret at its premature appearance. "It was my intention," said he, " to have drawn up a longer paper, and to have affixed it, authenticated by my seal, upon the door of St. Paul's, and other churches in London." The result of this was obvious;— he also was committed to the Tower. Mary had already made up her mind to abrogate the established religion; Gardiner, the steady foe to Reformation, was elevated to the chancellorship; and the correspondence with Cardinal Pole renewed; whose visit to the court of London was retarded by the Emperor Charles, that he might conclude a matrimonial treaty between Mary and his son Philip. Gardiner, moreover, was naturally axious that his own power should be established, before the return of Pole. The See of Canterbury might be considered vacant; but neither her matrimonial negotiations, nor the ceremony of her splendid coronation, which now took place, diverted the tolerant Mary from her plan of Romanizing her British subjects. All the prisoners in the Tower were excluded from the benefit of the general pardon that was granted; and conscientious Protestants emigrated without delay, and in great numbers, to the continent. It was said that Mary had spoken of herself as "a virgin sent from God, to ride and tame the people of England."-(p. 81, and note.) At this time she was on the eve of marriage with Philip. In October, the first parliament met, and Romish ceremonies preceded the public business. In consequence, however, of the unfavourable impression made upon the people, by the attempt to revive the papal power over England, the parliament was prorogued for three days; but on their re-assembling, the Latin service was authorised to be used instead of the English Liturgy. This was opposed, but in vain, by all who advocated the propriety of using at church a language which the people could understand, in the place of a form embracing various reveries, "contemptible every where, and most objectionable in a book of devotion." Thus Romanism was legally reinstated. An act of attainder was passed against the recusant Bishops and others condemned for treason; also against the Lady Jane, her husband, and Archbishop Cranmer. They pleaded guilty; Cranmer was deprived of his See, and sent back to his prison. Anxious to prolong his life, or ill brooking the disgrace of perishing as a civil delinquent (we believe the latter prevailed most with him), he addressed a letter to the Queen, which, on account of its historical importance, we subjoin: Most lamentably mourning and moaning himself unto your Highness, Thomas Cranmer, although unworthy either to write or to speak unto your Highness, yet having no person that I know to be a mediator for me, and knowing your pitiful ears ready to hear all pitiful complaints, and seeing so many to have felt your abundant clemency in like case, am now constrained most lamentably, and with most penitent and sorrowful heart to ask mercy and pardon for my most heinous folly and offence in consenting and following the testament and last will of our late Sovereign Lord K. Edward VI. your Grace's brother. Which will, God he knoweth, I never liked, nor any thing grieved me so much that your Grace's brother did. And if by any means it had been in me to have letted the making of that will, I would have done it. And what I said therein, as well to the council, as to himself, divers of your Majesty's council can report: but none so well as the Marquess of Northampton, and the L. Darcy, then Lord Chamberlain to the King's Majesty. Which two were present at the communication between the King's Majesty and me. I desired to talk with the King's Majesty alone, but I could not be suffered and so I failed of my purpose. For if I might have communed with the King alone, and at good leisure, my trust was, that I should have altered him from his purpose; but they being present my labour was in vain. Then, when I could not dissuade him from the said will; and both he and his privy council also informed me that the judges and his learned council said, that the act of entailing the crown made by his father could not be prejudicial to him; but that he, being in possession of the crown, might make his will thereof. This seemed very strange unto me. But being the sentence of the judges, and other his council, learned in the laws of this realm, as both he and his council informed me, methought it became not me, being unlearned in the law, to stand against my Prince therein. And so at length, I was required by the King's Majesty himself to set my hand to his will; saying that he trusted, that I alone would not be more repugnant to his will than the rest of the council |