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3. Notes and Anecdotes, political and miscellaneous, from 1798 to 1930. Drawn from the port-folio of an officer of the Empire, and translated from the French for the Messenger. Baron Taylor and the Pyramids of Egypt. The Pacha of Egypt. The Slipper of M. de Peyronnet..... 4. The Adventurers. Difficulties encountered by the early settlers of the State of Maine-battles with the Indians, treaties, &c. By Horatio King...... 5. Spring Joys. By the author of "Love at the Shrines," "The Sleet Storm," &c..

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13. Benefits of the Reformation on the Happiness of Man. In reply to an article in the March and subsequent Nos. of the Messenger. By a Native of Goochland, Virginia........

14. Biographical Sketches of Living American Poets and Novelists. No. IV. William Gilmore Simms, Esq., of South Carolina.....

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15. Pelayo; a Romance of the Goth. Extracts from this new work, now in the press, and to be published in a few days. By the author of "The Yemassee," "Mellichampe," "Guy Rivers," "The Partisan," &c. &c....

16. Francis Armine; a Romance. By a Novice. Chapters III and IV. (To be continued.)..

17. Washington, and the Patriot Army. Remarks on the biographical sketch of Judge Jeremiah T. Chase, published in the June No. of the Messenger......

ORIGINAL POETRY.

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9. Remarks on a late review of Bacon. By a native, not a resident of Virginia....... 10. Lucile. A Novelette. Chapters IV, V, VI. By the authoress of "The Curse," &c. (To be continued.) 506 11. Journal of a Trip to the Mountains, Caves and Springs of Virginia. Chapters VII and VIII. By a New Englander. (Concluded.)...... 12. Biographical Sketch of Captain Samuel Cooper, of Georgetown, D. C., a patriot of the revolution. By a citizen of Frederick County, Maryland.......

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This work is published in monthly numbers of 64 pages each, at $5 the vol. in advance: the postage on each No. for 100 miles or less, is 6 cts.-over 100 miles, 10 cts.

RICHMOND, Va.

T. W. WHITE, PRINTER, OPPOSITE THE BELL TAVERN.

1838.

....Charleston

SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER,

From the 20th of June, to the 20th of July, 1838.

All persons who have made payments early enough to be entered, and whose names do not appear in this published receipt list, or in that of the next number, are requested to give notice of the omission immediately after receiving that number, in order that the correction may be forthwith made.

PAYMENTS TO VOL. I.

Legare, Hugh S........T LJ..

Vaughan, Sir Charles Richard.........London, Eng.

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Chapman, Reynolds.
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VOL. IV.

T. W. WHITE, Editor and Proprietor.

RICHMOND, AUGUST, 1838.

PROSE FRAGMENT.

BY A BACHELOR.

The mind, says a modern writer, must have its appui. Sterne had said before him that the good and feeling heart must have some object whereupon to base its deep affections. Sterne was perhaps the more heartless of the two; but his observation accords best with the gentler feelings of our nature.

The mind must have its appui-a stay on which to rest its thoughts, its hopes, its cares. Ambition that would sacrifice the liberty of nations-would chain up thought and action, and cement inglorious powers by the blood of those over whom they were acquired-has been the guiding passion of some. Thank God! the serpent's head hath been crushed in these our latter days, and the world will henceforth suffer comparatively little from irresponsible power. Wealth has been reared into an idol. Sensual license hath had no small influence in impressing and controlling the characters of men. Learning the hidden secrets of nature-the wide volume opened by the incomprehensible incidents from an unseen cause daily exhibiting its influence before us in our very dwelling places-the air-the stars-the perfume of a flower-the innumerable mysteries of space, of time, and of existence-have called forth researches and created speculations, that have occupied the minds of thousands. Why mention other subjects which have furnished the mental food of some, to the exclusion of all the purer and lovelier feelings of our kind? And thou, calm, meek, sublime Religion! how hast thou been the hope, the sustaining power, the appui of many a rare and spotless spirit!

No. VIII.

FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.

as the first emotion of pity felt by Angel breasts, for the doom pronounced upon their fallen peers, are the aspirations of thy noble Soul! That Brow! (Who doubts, that once has seen, the character and feelings indexed by that Brow? Strange sympathy between the mind and outward form!) The wisdom of Divinity hath written there the just and gentle Heart! That queenlike step and air! I may not all portray their Dignity and Grace. Do not the tones of thy soft and Alutelike Voice still linger round my memory, and haunt it with a strange, unearthly melody? When shall its breathings fall upon the ear again!

MECKLENBURG

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.*

The April number of the "Southern Literary Messenger" contains a spirited article, entitled "The New York Review of Mr. Jefferson Reviewed." In the course of the reviewer's remarks, allusion is made to the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, adopted on the 20th of May, 1775. As the issue there presented is clothed in rather a mystical garb, and as the subject is still new, and imperfectly understood by many in our common country, we have been induced to believe that a condensed view of this novel and inte

As this is the second notice taken in the Messenger of the Mecklenburg Declaration, and as it is, in itself, a very curious Revolutionary and Literary relic, we have thought it might gratify the curiosity of our readers, to lay it before them. The

following is a copy of it, taken from Mr. G. Tucker's "Life of

Thomas Jefferson,"
" &c.

"The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. (20th of May, 1775.) "That whosoever directly or indirectly abets, or in any way, form, or manner, countenances the unchartered and dangerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this country, to America, and to the inherent and undeniable rights of man.

Let me not elevate the selfish pleasures of sense and the anomalous pleasures derived from scientific and speculative investigations-let me not depress the pure pleasures of religious feeling, properly directed, by comparing each or any of them with the pleasure that my heart would select for its own unmixed delight. Let me not enter into metaphysical discriminations between That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg county, do hereby these different feelings more clearly to develope my dissolve the political bands, which have connected us with the idea. That is not necessary. It is the sordid mind-mother country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all allewith a depraved moral sense-that cannot appreciate the pure charms of reciprocated affection-the unmeasured wealth that lies in a virtuous woman's love!

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How doth my spirit wander from the dull page of Science, to summon forth thy bright and gentle glance! Strangely commingled with the bold ideas of old philosophy-linked to the half framed thoughts on codes, and laws, and rights, as they rise upon the mind, steal o'er the sense those soft emotions born of Love and Faith and Thee! Gentle, yet vivid as that light which the great Creator spoke into being o'er the new-made world, is the radiant beauty of thy glorious Eye! Pure

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giance to the British crown, and abjure all political connexion, contract, or association with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at Lexington.

"That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and independent people; are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and selfgoverning association, under the control of no power, other than that of our God, and the general government of Congress; to the maintenance of which independence, we solemnly pledge to each other, our mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes,

and our most sacred honor.

"That as we acknowledge the existence and control of no law nor legal officer, civil or military, within this county, we do hereby ordain and adopt as a rule of life, all, each, and every of our former laws; wherein, nevertheless, the crown of Great Britain never can be considered as holding rights, privileges, immunities, or authority therein.

"That it is further decreed, that all, each, and every military officer in this county, is hereby reinstated in his former com mand and authority, he acting conformably to the regulations. And that every member present of this delegation shall henceforth be a civil officer, viz. a justice of the peace, in the charac ter of a committee man, to issue process, hear, and determine all matters of controversy, according to said adopted laws; and VOL. IV.-61

resting transaction would be acceptable to the readers | conveys salutary advice, and requires only time, in this

instance, to receive additional confirmation. We are fully disposed to render to Mr. Jefferson all that meed of approbation to which his eminent services justly entitle him; but, at the same time, wish to guard against that overweening attachment or parasitical admiration for a distinguished name which would make

of the Messenger, and impart summary information to those who have not examined the testimony adduced in its favor. Wherever an impartial investigation has been instituted on this subject by the candid inquirer after truth, the universal conviction has been, that the Mecklenburg Resolves are an original and bona fide Declaration of Independence; and, as such, claim prius partial in our decisions. ority over all others. However sensitive the acknow- In preparing this succinct account of a memorable ledged author of the National Declaration was, on the event, and the most prominent causes leading thereto, first announcement of this subject in 1819, and what- we shall draw our materials from the few recent pubever skepticism others may now exhibit, yet the vene-lications on the subject. If we differ in opinion from rable maxim, "Truth is powerful and will prevail," either the reviewer or the reviewed, it will be an honest difference-not resulting from dark revenge or rancorto preserve peace, union, and harmony in said county, and to use every exertion to spread the love of country and fire of free-ous feeling-and our remarks, accordingly, will be dom throughout America, until a more general and organized more of a corrective and explanatory, than a controgovernment be established in this province. versial nature. On the greater portion of the article above referred to, touching Mr. Jefferson's religion, moral defects, &c. we are not disposed to offer any critique of our own, but feel perfectly willing to permit the literary combatants,

"ABRAHAM ALEXANDER, Chairman. "JOHN M'KNITT ALEXANDER, Secretary." It is our misfortune to differ with Mr. Tucker about the character of this document. He is anxious to justify Mr. Jefferson against the charge of plagiarism, and he contends that the charge is the other way; that the Mecklenburg Declaration has been altered, both in its scope and expressions, from its original cast; that the two paragraphs in which the coincidence (be. tween the Mecklenburg Declaration and Mr. J.'s Declaration,)

is found, have been subsequently interpolated, with a view of enhancing the merit of the act, and of making it a more une. quivocal Declaration of Independence! One of Mr. Tucker's arguments in favor" of the probability of this supposition," is, that "it seems impossible, that if they had all been drawn at once, the second and third had not preceded that which now stands first. We can (says he) more easily believe that so sin

gular an inversion of natural order was caused by the wish to conceal and counterfeit interpolation, than that it ever could have suggested itself to any mind that had written all the five

resolutions."

We think, on the other hand, that all the propositions stand in their natural order; that the one grows necessarily out of the other, as conclusions following their premises. Mark the necessary connexion!

The 1st proposition declares in substance that Great Britain has violated the charter of our rights,-so plainly and directly that no man can countenance the invasion, without being an enemy to America, and to the inherent rights of man.

"With stomachs stout

To fight it out."

Without, therefore, pretending to award the palm of victory to either, we leave the matter where we find it, before the public tribunal-sub judice lis est, and shall acquiesce in their decision.

At an early period in the history of North Carolina, may be traced manifest signs of that spirit of freedom and secret aspirations after liberty, which afterwards shone out in all their meridian splendor. The great distance of the mother country-the absence of royal magnificence-the free exercise of religious opinionsthe general mediocrity of society-the numerous obstacles surmounted in settling a wilderness and securing a home, all tended to produce among the colonies a sense of self-dependence, and render them averse to every species of superiority or domination. They were so many excitants in awakening successful enterprize, and grarights, therefore the 2nd resolution declares the political bonds, dually unfolding to view a progressive development of that have connected us with the mother country are hereby dis-national pride. From these causes and others of colsolved. lateral tendency, originated an early conviction that Because these are dissolved, the 3rd proposition therefore all men were "created equal," endowed with certain declares us to be a free and independent people, a sovereign and inalienable" or "inherent rights," and entitled to self-governing association, subject to no other control than the power of God, and the authority of the general government of Congress--and they pledge themselves to maintain that independence at every hazard.

And because she has so directly invaded our charter and our

And because, as a consequence of this dissolution, they acknowledge the existence of no law or officer (of the British government-as some temporary government is wanting within that county,) they, therefore, in the 4th proposition adopt, (of their own accord,) and as their rule of action, their former laws; disclaiming at the same time any authority in the British crown to claim any rights, privileges, &c. under those laws.

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certain "exclusive privileges." When it was resolved by Parliament on the 10th of March, 1764, to raise a revenue in the colonies by a system of taxation, the delicate cord of "national rights" was sensibly touched, and ceased not to vibrate until the disturbing cause was removed. On the 31st of October following, we find the popular house of the assembly of North Carolina, in their address to the Governor, openly avowing its injustice and unconstitutionality. On the passage of the Stamp Act in 1765, the citizens of North Carolina exhibited, in common with the other colonies, an unqualified disapprobation of the "odious measure," and a stern and unyielding opposition to its execution In all this it appears to us, that there is nothing forced, and no within her borders. This exasperated state of feeling inversion of the natural order--but that the several links form a and complete failure on the part of the British ministry connected chain of propositions--the 2nd naturally growing out to distribute stamps, we cannot pursue in detail. Sufof the 1st, the 3rd out of the 2nd, until the whole are ex-fice it to say, it justly constitutes one of the proudest But, though we cannot subscribe to Mr. T.'s suppositions, still and most brilliant achievements in the history of the we agree with him in his main object. We clear Mr. Jefferson state. But another strong fomenting cause in North of the charge of plagiarism, as we have shown in our April No. | Carolina, of an early and continued repugnance against

And because they have voluntarily re-adopted the laws (and must have officers to carry them into execution), the 5th proposition therefore reinstates every military officer in the county in his former authority-and they also constitute civil officers, to issue processes, and determine all matters of controversy, according to said adopted laws, &c.

hausted.

"For more than twenty years before the Revolutionary war, the popular house and the Governors were divided on the details of a bill to establish Courts of Law" We will now advert to a few important transactions in the administration of Josiah Martin, Tryon's successor, and the last of the royal Governors. On the 19th of November, 1771, Martin met his first assembly. At each session of the assembly, from the year 1771 to 1774, inclusive, there occurred a quarrel with the Governor, invariably terminating in a prorogation of that body. These prorogations or dissolutions uniformly grew out of the adoption of some high-toned resolution, or the passage of some bill on the several local questions which agitated the province. After the dissolution of the assembly, in the spring of 1774, the situation of the province was little short of anarchy. The total disregard to the wants of the people on the part of the Governor, could not fail to produce the most intense excitement. Owing to this incessant source of vexation, and the universal discontent that prevailed, we find the principal whig leaders of that day busily engaged in maturing plans for the organization of a provincial Congress, "directly from the people, and independent of the authority of the Governor." The following extract from a letter of William Hooper to James Iredell, dated April 26th, 1774, forcibly illus

British authority, and which ultimately exerted a more | liquors, &c. Of these distracting questions the courtpowerful influence on the destinies of her people, than law controversy was the most prominent source of disgrievances of a common nature, is to be found in the satisfaction. number and frequency of her gubernatorial quarrels. In the history of no one of the colonies, not excepting Massachusetts with her inexorable Hutchinson, can be traced such a continual conflict of opinion betwixt the Governors and people. Every arbitrary exaction, or unjust invasion of the people's rights on the part of the Governors, who were mere instruments of power, clothed with a little brief authority, strongly tended to aggravate existing troubles, and weaken allegiance to the crown. Hence arose the belief that "moderation ceased to be a virtue, when the liberty of the British subject was in danger;" and to submit, under such circumstances, became a crime. From the 3rd of April, 1765, to the 1st of July, 1771, North Carolina was governed by William Tryon. During the whole term of his administration, the public mind was agitated by the passage of the Stamp Act. Tryon met his first assembly one month after entering upon the duties of his office. Rumors and reports from the North currently prevailed among the people, that the Stamp Act had been passed by Parliament. "This intelligence reached Wilmington shortly after the meeting of the assembly; and such was the violence exhibited by the members of the popular house, that Governor Tryon suddenly prorogued the legislative body on the 18th of the same month in which it had assembled. The popular house had but just replied to the opening speech of the Go-trates the tone of thinking among some of the public vernor, and adopted the usual preliminary steps of legislation." Such was the excitement produced, that the Governor "apprehended an overt act of treason; and to arrest the disease in its incipient stage, prorogued the assembly." The patriotic enthusiasm that manifested itself, was so strong, that "the speaker, John Ashe, pledged himself that he would resist the iniquitous law, and informed the Governor that the people would support him in the holy cause. Had the Governor permitted the house to have organized itself on the 30th of November, the day to which it stood prorogued, its proceedings would not have proved less treasonable in the eyes of royalty.

In this year, 1765, a proposition was adopted by the assembly of Massachusetts, and warmly responded to by the other colonies, to form a general Congress, consisting of delegates from the popular house of each. In this Congress, which convened in New York, several of the colonies were not represented. North Carolina was deprived of the opportunity of sending delegates, through the rash prorogation of the assembly above alluded to, just on the eve of entering into an election. The popular house was not permitted to convene itself until November, 1766; being prorogued in February preceding, by royal proclamation. Thus, through the fears of the Governor, the province was deprived of an assembly for more than eighteen months. At this session occurred a quarrel with the Governor on account of the long chasm in the legislation of the province. The house likewise regretted its inability of acting in concert with the other colonies in the late Congress. But our limits will compel us to pass over many legislative disputes growing out of acts of ministerial dictation-the court-law controversy-the repeal of the acts of 1748 and 1754, laying a poll-tax, and a duty on

characters on prospective events, in which it is said, "With you I anticipate the important share which the colonies must soon have in regulating the political ba lance. They are striding fast to independence, and will ere long build an empire on the ruins of Britain; will adopt its constitution, purged of its impurities; and, from an experience of its defects, will guard against those evils which have wasted its vigor, and brought it to an untimely end." This is strong language, and sufficiently indicative of the spirit of the times. It is here particularly adverted to, that the reader may mark the period that gave it birth. When the project of a provincial and continental Congress was published abroad, the people embraced it with enthusiasm and zeal. About the 1st of July handbills were circulated throughout the province, inviting the people to elect delegates to a convention, to be held at Newbern on the 25th of August. The objects of the said convention were stated to be to express the sentiments of the people "on acts lately passed by the Parliament of Great Britain, and to appoint delegates to represent the province in a continental Congress." By the 1st of August a large majority of the counties had held elections, and returned their most faithful leaders. When information of these elections reached the Governor, who at first doubted the success of the plan, he issued, on the 12th of August, the usual missile of authority, a proclamation, condemning such proceedings. But the proclamation proved of no avail-vox, et præterea nihil— a vain and inoperative display of words. The delegates punctually met in Newbern on the 25th of August, 1774. This was the first provincial Congress. The interesting proceedings on that occasion can receive in this sketch nothing more than a passing notice. The several acts of Parliament, imposing duties on imports,

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