busy years. There is no analytical process by which we can apportion to Brown's attempt to free slaves in Virginia its share in shaping the events and policies that succeeded it. His was a rough and ready response to the highest national ideals then in the air. Now there is this trouble with the exalted ideals which so often break out in our stimulating climate; they are quite as apt to take men out of action as to thrust them into it. The idealist who is over-careful to make no mistakes may die in the good esteem of the world, -or rather of that petty fraction of it which knows anything about him. But the impulsive idealist who risks mistakes, and in Shakespeare's striking phrase "makes mouths at the invisible event" - becomes a distinct and often a beneficent factor in history. The world may be greatly indebted to the man who dares even when the co-operative events which he expected do not come to pass. "There would be no heroism. in the world," said President Eliot in a recent address, "if the hero were not uncertain of the issue." And again we get this with Shakespeare's peculiar emphasis when he makes 'thinking too precisely of the event a thought, which quartered, hath but one part wisdom and ever three parts coward." 66 There is the case of Captain Wilkes when he took Mason and Slidell from a British ship. From the point of view of the international statute book, no less than from that of a cautious expediency, it was a blunder. Yet those who can remember the burst of patriotic enthusiasm which that act awakened throughout the North will hesitate to say that the stream of history would have run clearer without it. For it focussed opinions which were even then somewhat floating and undefined. It furnished concrete expression to the feeling that any effort to defend the Union against organized forces of aggression however wanting in prudence was ethically and eternally right. And so the Congressional vote of thanks to Captain Wilkes was but the crest of the wave of popular belief that somehow good must come from his vigorous act. In considering the events that make up history, we fix upon some link in the chain of sequences and ask what would have happened had another been forged to fill its place. And so I am sometimes tempted to drift into a fruitless speculation as to what might have been if, at an early stage of the civil war, it had been authoritatively declared that aggression in the interest of slavery must be met by its abolition. Suppose the President had heeded the fervent petition of Horace Greeley to this effect a petition that was supported by many stronger men than Mr. Greeley! What would have resulted had the President abstained from nullifying the emancipation proclamation of Frémont in his Western Department? One evil we may safely say would have been prevented. We should have been free from that European sympathy with the Confederacy which did so much to prolong the war. Napoleon III and the British aristocracy never would have dared to express sympathy if the avowed contention had been whether slavery should be strengthened or put to an end. How far this would have been offset by dissatisfaction in the border States and by disregard of the limitation of the war powers, as interpreted by Mr. Benjamin R. Curtis and others, we can never know. In like manner it is impossible to determine with any exactness how far such good as we have attained can be credited to John Brown's heroic attack upon slavery. Personally, I place a high value upon it. For the maturing of thought and its translation into action is always advanced through sympathy with a man. All history shows the power of a visible symbol in directing the wandering attention of the masses. Every great movement awaits its typical hero, and he is nearer to average humanity if he is not without indiscretions. An immediate result of the attack at Harper's Ferry is certainly evident. It is known that after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise an agitation for the unrestricted importation of African labor was gathering force in the South. But the action of John Brown, and the sympathy that went out to him, compelled the conviction that the Slave States had better devote attention to keeping such labor as they had to the exclusion of plans for obtaining any more. Here is a result which may be accepted with assurance, even if many more important ones must remain in the cloud-land of conjecture. I believe there is some copy-book maxim which warns us to avoid extremes; but in the view of what the Germans call the World Spirit extremes may be just what we need. They give salutary emphasis to the comfortable speculations of the easy-chair. Emerson recognized this when, referring to the execution of Brown, he ventured upon a comparison whose challenge to attention was in inverse ratio to its taste. It was recognized in that stirring song of the Union troops which declared that the soul of John Brown - the spirit which animated him was marching on. Yes; and it must continue to do so, for he has affixed his homely name to one of the most important epochs in his country's history. A. E. PETICOLAS TO ANDREW HUNter. RICHMOND, Nov. 1, 1859 DEAR SIR, We desire if Brown and his coadjutors are executed to add their heads to the collection in our museum. If the transference of the bodies will not exceed a cost of five dollars each we should also be glad to have them. This request will of course not interfere with any clemency which it may be found desirable to extend to those convicted. Attention to this request will confer a great favor. Mr. ANDREW HUNTER A. E. PETICOLAS M. D. HENRY A. WISE TO ANDREW HUNter. RICHMOND, VA Nov! 2nd 1859. DR SIR, We have just got [John E.] Cook's description of the fugitives, Owen Brown, [Francis Jackson] Meriam, [Charles Plummer] Tidd & a [Barclay] Coppoc. No affidavits. Do send on the affidavits necessary for requisition. The Medical faculty of Richmond College ask for the bodies of such as may be executed. The Court may order the bodies to be given over that in the sentence. It will not interfere with And any who are hung ought not to have burial to surgeons. See to the pardoning power. in Va. A. HUNTER, Esqr Yrs truly HENRY A. WISE RICHMOND, VA Nov 6th 1859. MY DEAR SIR, Recd your last this m, inclosing Cook's affidavit. Better try Cook in your Court & turn [Aaron D.] Stevens over to Dist Ct of the U. S. But he may die & defeat ends of so turning him over. Cook is the worst of all these villains. I wish you to understand confidentially, that I will not reprieve or pardon one man now after the letters I have recd from the North. And as it may seem too severe for fair trial to put Stevens at bar let him be turned over. Be prompt to send me affidavits for any party discovered to be implicated for whom requisition is to be made. Our men Moore & Kelly have been kept waiting for Cook's affidavit. Cant you get an indictment against Gerritt Smith and Fred: Douglas, or some one of the leading prompters in Canada or our Northern States? If so, send it to me immediately upon getting it, or as early as you can get an affidavit. Fred: Douglas' letter avows his part in the plot, acting in N. Y., and says he has violated the jurisdiction of that State, if any. He means he was there when he advised & counselled this invasion. No matter where he was; if he incited or aided & abetted insurrection here, he violated our laws, and may be demanded of England or any of the U. States. Yrs truly HENRY A. WISE. Have my amanuenses for you attend to the inclosed letters. RUTH THOMPSON TO JOHN BROWN. NORTH ELBA, Nov. 27th 1859 66 MY DEARLY BELOVED FATHER, I must write a word to you although it may never reach you. We received your precious letter, and it was a great comfort to us all to hear that you were kindly treated, and so "cheerful amidst all your afflictions." All are well here, and I must tell you that we receive the kindest sympathy from very many dear friends of yours for which, I feel to bless the "Givers of every good." We received a letter from Jason a few days ago, all were well there, and were at John's a few days before he wrote. They are sorrow stricken indeed. We sent coppies of your letter to them. Mr. Kellog a blind minister, and a most excellent man says tell your Father for me, that I sympathise with him, and for him most deeply." He preached a thanksgiving sermon, here, and he repeated a part of the 58th chapter of Isaiah. It was one of the best sermons I ever heard. It reminded me of the many times I had heard my dear Father read it. Your kind instruction will never be forgotten by me. I cannot tell you how I long to see you, nor can I express my feelings, you know them, & it is not necessary to express them. Please remember me (although a perfect stranger) to all those noble prisoners, colored as well as white. I often think of, and pray for them. I do hope to hear from you again. Mrs. Hinckley wishes to be remembered to you. Johny says "tell Grandfather that I know he is in prison because he tried to do good." Henry also says "tell Father, thoug[h] your life may be taken, your deeds, and influence will live to be remembered and do good." Please remember me to Captain [John] Avis. I never think of him, without a feeling of sincere gratitude for his kindness to you and the other prisoners. And now my dear Father, if I am never permited to see your dear face again in this world, I trust I shall meet you in that world where sorrow and parting never can come. I know that the Lord is with you, and that he will never forsake you." May he strengthen & sustain you to the end, is the prayer of your affectionate daughter. [Addressed] Mr John Brown Care of Capt. John Avis Charleston Jefferson Co. [Endorsed on the envelope] Ruth Thompson Dont publish Not received untill after the execution RUTH THOMPSON JAMES K. HOSMER, a Corresponding Member, told the story of the life of John Harvard in England, and of the influences surrounding him there. F. B. SANBORN submitted the following paper, in continuation of his paper read at the November meeting, 1907: THE EARLY HISTORY OF KANSAS, 1854-1861. In that remarkable history of what he chose to call "The Rebellion" Lord Clarendon, though often tedious in his details and prejudiced in his estimate of historical characters, has made his book an essential part of English literature by his deep knowledge of human nature and his long experience in great affairs, showing these qualities by his inimitable personal portraits and his occasional remarks, sometimes tinged with grave humor. One of these remarks often occurs to me, and has been frequently quoted by others; it has a bearing, if I am not mistaken, on the subject in hand. Clarendon ascribed some of the mistakes of his royal master, Charles I, to the clergy of the Church of England, who, he says, "know the least and take the worst measure of human affairs, of all mankind that can write and read." This judgment, severe in terms, has the greater weight as coming from a friend and supporter of that very church. Whether it should be extended to the clergy of other churches, I leave to others to say; but if it were true in 1641, and remains true now, it is |