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republican majority in this State which has contributed so essentially towards placing you in that elevated situation which you now hold, and which bas diffused universal Joy among the friends of liberty in every part of the Union. We have reason to be assured that Changes of a similar nature would be extremely useful in the Eastern States, whatever may be the Situation of the Southern part of the Country in this respect.

Republican exertions will certainly be relaxed in this quarter if unhappily the people ever be convinced that all their efforts to Change the Chief Magistrate, have produced no consequent effects in renovating the subordinate Stations of our government;

those changes are equally necessary to the preservation of that public Spirit which has Caused the Country once more to return to republican measures and republican men.

If our anxiety upon this subject should ultimately appear premature the moment of its discovery would be a moment of satisfaction and pleasure to ourselves and our Citizens; But we have reason to apprehend' from the Sources of information we possess, that the idea of a thorough change is not at present contemplated by the executive. In this business, however, Sir, we speak not from Considerations of personal expectation - our first wish is the preservation of liberty and our Country, and in no shape whatever is this letter dictated by views including appointments to any office in the power of the Executive to bestow.

We have spoken with the freedom which we believe best Comports with our duty and which we also believe fully accords with your

views Concerning the rights of free Citizens, which the labours of your life have so eminently Contributed to establish.

Our Solicitude for the preservation of the Constitution, which we conceive happily Confided to your Care, for the welfare and Celebrity of your administration, to which we will zealously Contribute our support, and for the Continuation of that affection which our republican Citizens have long, and we think justly placed in you, must be our apology for this letter. We are with sentiments of respect your friends,


New YORK, June 12th 1801. SIR, — We have received with much pleasure your obliging favour of the 6th. Inst., and feel ourselves no less indebted for the Candid and very friendly manner in which you have been pleased to address us than for the disclosure of your views. To preserve public liberty and unite the great body of American Citizens into one mass is no less salutary than just. And permit us to add that the eminent Services you have rendered our Country and the just Sentiments you have never ceased to advocate evince that your conduct through a long and valuable life has been regulated by these equitable principles.

While we reiterate a renounciation of personal views, in obedience to your solicitation and our duty we request your attention to two public officers in this City, who in our estimation, are peculiarly obnoxious to our Citizens.

When Tyranny is exercised by any, but particularly by those who were opposed to our revolution, the real friends of liberty, those who fought and suffered in our memorable Conflict for Independence, behold it with mortification and regret.

Mr. Rogers, the naval officer in our Custom-house, was employed during our revolution in the British Court of admiralty in this City: Of this we will transmit to you, if required, satisfactory testimony. We know that men are frequently Converted from wrong to right Sentiments on all Subjects; but the opinions of Mr. Rogers are the same now they were when in the Service of the British King. Mr. Sands 2 Collector of Customs co-operates with Mr. Rogers in all his views, and his sentiments and conduct are no less objectionable to our Citizens than destructive of our liberty. He threatened to dismiss one of his Clerks immediately after the important election of 1800, for voting for, and advocating the Cause of Republicanism; and we know that nothing but the astonishing and instantaneous effect produced by that election prevented it. Their Stations confer an immense influence, which in their hands is extremely injurious to the Constitution.

We mention those men in particular since their removal from office is ardently desired by our Citizens, and would, we are convinced, effectnally crush any opposition here, which might otherwise arise on this Subject, and of which a Certain Party here would avail themselves to further their own views of aggrandizement, and render your administration, if possible, unpopular.

We have no particular men in view whom we wish to be appointed to the two offices, our desire, with that of our fellow Citizens, only is that they be filled with Republicans.

We see with regret the Difficulty under which the executive must labour for want of Correct information of the various characters in the Union solicitous for office. This may sometimes lead you into involuntary error. It will ever be the lot of men elevated to that high and responsible Station. But we rejoice that we have an executive anxious to lessen this unavoidable evil by a desire of receiving information from

1 Richard Rogers, appointed by Washington in February, 1797, vice Ben Walker, resigned.

2 Joshua Sands, appointed by John Adams in May, 1797, vice John Lamb, dismissed.

the meanest Citizen in the States on Subjects in which its welfare is involved.

Be assured, Sir, that our exertions shall not be wanting to procure and to Communicate dispassionately all the iuformation which we may deem to be of the smallest utility. Accept the tender of our Services and respect,


New YORK October 22nd 1801. SIR, — Much noise has been made Concerning the report of your having ordered M Dallas to enter a Nolle Prosequi in the suit against M' Duane commenced by your predecessor on the behalf of the Senate of the United States. An inflamatory essay which appeared in the Gazette of the United States, on the unconstitutionality of the act, under the Signature of Juris Consultus has been republished in most of our federal prints, and has excited a little disquietude even in the minds of some republicans not well acquainted with the nature of such a proceeding. No defence of it has yet been made in our Republican prints, and our Silence has been construed by many really honest men into an acknowledgment that the act is neither Constitutional por precedented. In both these points of view, after a full examination of the Subject, we are wholly satisfied, that if a Nolle Prosequi was ordered by you to be entered, it is neither unprecedented nor in our opinion unconstitutional. We are Determined, however, to defend your measures while they appear to us, as they have hitherto done, not only Constitutional and just, but highly Commendable. We value the principle which raised you to the Chief Magistracy of the Union, and on which yon act, too highly not to exert ourselves in the Defence of measures Compatible with it. We are solicitous to write a few essays on the Subject here adverted to. But we are wanting in information respecting it. We wish to be informed whether the Nolle Prosequi was ordered to be entered in the Case mentioned, and if so on what ground? We are aware of the Delicacy of asking this information from you. But we are persuaded that it cannot come from a purer and more enlightened Source. Should you think the request not incompatible with your high political Station, the earlier you impart to us the information, the more acceptable it will be. At all events we shall defend the act, but our Defence will not be so Complete without the Information as with it. We beg pardon for troubling you with so long a letter. We are sincerely your devouted friends,



[WASHINGTON, Dec. 10, 1801.] To the PRESIDENT : I Called on Mr. Madison yesterday but he was too indisposed to be

I shall Return to New York by the Mail in the morning. And lest I should not have an opertunity of seeing Mr. Madison During my stay, I have Committed to writing what I'had to say to him Concerning the Subject on which I had the honor of speaking with you the other night.

If you have taken a copy of the note written by Mr. Clinton I shall be much obliged to you for the original when Couvenient. I board at Mr. Stille's. But if not Convenient while I stay you will be pleased to transmit it to me at New York.

[No signature.]'

Some account of the plans and views of aggrandizement of a faction in the City of New York, Respectfully Submitted to the Consideration of the President of the United States.

I became personally acquainted with Mr. Burr at the Election of the City and County of New York, for members of the State Legislature, in April, 1800. The part I took in that Election, attracted the attention of Mr. Burr, whose well laid plans Did not a little Contribute to its

This acquaintance, thus formed, Continued to increase, untill my attachment, as I supposed, to the Constitution of the Commonwealth, and my exertions in Conjunction with those of my fellow Citizens to bring about the present change in our affairs, obtained for me much of the Confidence, and, I have reason to believe, of the esteem of Mr. Burr. Few events occurred in the union, from our State Election in 1800, until some months after the 4th March, 1801, however secret, with which I was not made acquainted by Mr. Burr. During this time, though I was not Ignorant of the Suspicions entertained of Mr. Burr's views by many of our best informed and most honest Citizens, I perceived nothing in the general tenor of his Conduct that manifested intentions incompatible with the liberty of the Country, or the wishes of its Citizens. The first event which gave me occasion to question the Justice of Mr. Burr's views was the Presidential Election. In the general Conduct of Mr. Burr in that Election, I saw much to regret. It is not necessary to say a word Respecting the wishes of the people on the Choice of the Chief-magistrate — they were too evident to be misunderstood by the sound and faithful politician. But the intention of Mr. Burr to set aside those wishes, by raising himself to an eminence to which he was not Destined by the voice of the Union was too palpably manifested to me — not by words, but by actions less ambiguous to admit of a Doubt. If it be asked upon what foundation these bold assertions are made ? I answer, upon interviews which I had with Mr. Burr every Day During that pending and important Crisis, together with a Combination of Circumstances which left no Doubt in my mind of his intentions.


1 The date is endorsed by Jefferson.

In the State of New York the appointment of Mr. Lispenard to the important function of Elector was, there can be no Doubt, a result of the exclusive arrangement of Mr. Burr. Mr. Lispenard is a Citizen of much influence in the Sixth Ward, the most Republican one in the City and County of New York. He is a Republican; and his attachment to the Cause cannot, perhaps, otherwise be doubted, than as he is Connected with, and wholly Devoted to, the views of Mr. Burr, which I with many other persons, think hostile to it. This entire Devotion, from the very warm friendship which mutually subsisted at the time between Mr. Lispenard and Mr. Burr, could not have been unknown to the latter. And Mr. Burr's being a member of the Legislature at the time the Electors were chosen, secured, there is every reason to believe, the appointment of Mr. Lispenard to accomplish personal and of course private views.

Much mischief was apprehended by a few of our well meaning and Discerning Citizens from the blind attachment of Mr. Lispenard to Mr. Burr. Among this class of Citizens, Mr. De Witt Clinton stood in the foremost rank. This Citizen, suspecting some foul play, took the liberty to question Mr. Lispenard, previous to the meeting of the Electors, Respecting the persons for whom he himself was elected to vote. Mr. Clinton binted at a report which prevailed in the best informed political circles, that some of the electors meant to Drop Mr. Jefferson : but that all of them intended to vote for Mr. Burr. This was in the presence of many of the electors who were Dining, if I mistake not, at Mr. Edward Livingston's. They all, however, promptly Declared their determination to vote for the two Candidates, except Mr. Lispenard who remained silent! This Statement was related to me by Mr. De Witt Clinton, and there can be no Doubt of its being Correct.

This silence, however, was of use. Justly apprehending mischievous effects from the Connection between Mr. Lispenard and Mr. Burr; and anticipating, from the undue attachment of the former to the latter, a Contravention of the wishes of the Country in the election of the President, Mr. De Witt Clinton attended the meeting of the electors; but previously suggested to Dr. Ledyard, one of the electors, a friend of Mr. Clinton and of liberty, to propose to the electors to shew to each other their ballots anterior to their being Deposited in the ballot Box. This was accordingly proposed and readily assented to by every one of the electors but Mr. Lispenard, who hesitated. But finding his Col..

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