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interview with him; the particulars of which are as follow: They shook hands affectionately, and Lord Nelson said: "Well, Hardy, How goes the battle? How goes the day with us?" Very well, my Lord," replied Captain Hardy "we have got twelve or fourteen of the enemy's ships in our possession; but five of their van have tacked, and shew an intention of bearing down upon the Victory. I have therefore called two or three of our fresh ships round us, and have no doubt of giving thei a drubbing."—" I hope," said his Lordship, "none of our ships liave struck, Hardy."— "No, my Lord," replied Captain Hardy; "there is no fear of that." Lord Nelson then said: "I am a dead man, Hardy. I am going fast it will be all over with me soon. Come nearer to me. Pray let my dear Lady Hamilton have my hair, and all other things belonging to me." Mr. Burke was about to withdraw at the commencement of this conversation; but his Lordship, perceiving his intention, desired he would remain. Captain Hardy observed, that “he hoped Mr. Beatty could yet hold out some prospect of life."" Oh! no," answered his Lordship, "it is impossible. My back is shot through. Beatty will tell you so." Captain Hardy then returned on deck, and at parting shook hands with his revered friend and Commander.

His Lordship now requested the Surgeon, who had been previously absent a short time attending Mr. Rivers, to return to the wounded, and give his assistance to such of them as he could be useful to; "for," said he,

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you can do nothing for me." The Surgeon assured him that the Assistant Surgeons were doing every thing that could be effected for those unfortunate men; but on his Lordship's several times repeating his injunction to that purpose, he left hin surrounded by Doctor Scott, Mr. Burke, and two of his Lordship's domestics. After the Surgeon had been absent a few minutes attending Lieutenants Peake and Reeves of the Marines, who were wounded, he was called by Doctor Scott to his Lordship, who said: "Áh, Mr. Beatty! I have sent for you to say, what I forgot to tell you before, that all power of motion or feeling below my breast is gone; and you," continued he," very well know I can live but a short time." The emphatic manner in which he pronounced these last words, left no doubt in the Surgeon's mind, that he adverted to the case of a man who had some months before received a mortal injury of the spine on board the Victory, and had laboured under similar privations of sense and muscular motion. The case had made a great impression on Lord Nelson: he was anxious to know the cause of such symptoms, which was accordingly explained to him; and he now

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appeared to apply the situation and fate of this man to himself. The Surgeon answered, My Lord, you told me so before:" but he now examined the extremities, to ascer tain the fact; when his Lordthip said, “Ah, Beatty! I am too certain of it; Scott and Burke have tried it already. You know I am gone." The Surgeon replied: "My Lord, unhappily for our country, nothing can be done for you ;" and having made this declaration, he was so much affected, that he turned round and withdrew a few steps to conceal his emotions. His Lordship said: "I know it. I feel something rising in my left breast," putting his hand on his left side, "which tells me I am gone."-Drink was recommended liberally, and Dr. Scott and Mr. Burke fanned him with paper He often exclaimed, "God be praised, I have done my duty;" and upon the Surgeon's inquiring whether his pain was still very great, he declared," it continued so severe, that he wished he was dead." Yet," said he, in a lower voice," one would like to live a little longer, too;" and, after a pause of a few minutes, he added in the same tone," What would become of poor Lady Hamilton, if she knew my situation."

The Surgeon, finding it impossible to render his Lordship any further assistance, left him, to attend Lieutenant Bligh, Messrs. Smith and Westphall, midshipmen, and some seamen, recently wounded. Captain Hardy now came to the cockpit to see his Lordship a second time, which was after an interval of about fifty minutes from the conclusion of his first visit. Before he quitted the deck, he sent Lieutenant Hills to acquaint Admiral Collingwood with the lamen◄ table circumstance of Lord Nelson's being wounded. Lord Nelson and Captain Hardy shook hands again: ard while the Captain retained his Lordship's hand, he congratu lated him even in the arms of death on his brilliant victory; "which," he said, "was coinplete; though he did not know how many of the enemy were captured, as it was impossible to perceive every ship distinctly. He was certain, however, of fourteen or fifteen having surrendered." His Lordship answered, "That is well, but I bargained for twenty:" and then emphatically exclaimed, "Anchor, Hardy, anchor!" To this the Captain replied: I suppose, my Lord, Admiral Collingwood will now take upon himself the direction of affairs."-" Not while I live, I hope, Hardy!" cried the dying Chief; and at that moment endeavoured ineffectually to raise himself from the bed. “No,” added he; do you anchor, Hardy." Captain Hardy then said, "Shall we make the signal Sir?"-"Yes," answered his Lordship, "for if I live, I'll anchor." The energetic mapner in which he uttered these his last orders

to Captain Hardy, accompanied with his efforts to raise himself, evinced his determination never to resign the command while he retained the exercise of his transcendant faculties, and that he expected Captain Hardy still to carry into effect the suggestions of his exalted mind; a sense of his duty overcoming the pains of death. He then told Captain Hardy," he felt that in a few minutes he should be no more;" adding in a low tone, "Don't throw me overboard, Har"Oh no, dy." The Captain_answered, certainly not."" Then," replied his Lordship, you know what to do:* and," continued he, "take care of my dear Lady Hamilton, Hardy; take care of poor Lady Hamilton. Kiss, me, Hardy." The Captain now knelt down, and kissed his cheek; when his Lordship said, "Now I am satisfied. Thank God, I have done my duty." Captain Hardy stood for a minute or two in silent contemplation: he then knelt down again, and kissed his Lordship's forehead. His Lordship said: "Who is that?" The Captain answered: "It is Hardy;" to which his Lordship replied, "God bless Hardy!" After this affecting scene Captain Hardy withdrew, and returned to the quarterdeck, having spent about eight minutes in this his last interview with his dying friend.

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Lord Nelson now desired Mr. Chevalier, his Steward, to turn him upon his right side; which being effected, his Lordship said: wish I had not left the deck, for I shall soon be gone." He afterwards became very low; his breathing was oppressed, and his voice faint. He said to Doctor Scott: "Doctor, I have not been a great sinner ;" and after a short "Remember, that I leave Lady pause, Hamilton and my daughter Horatia as a legacy to my country: and," added he, "never forget Horatia." His thirst now increased; and he called for "Drink, drink,"

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Fan, fan," and "Rub, rub:" addressing himself in the last case to Doctor Scott, who had been rubbing his Lordship's breast with his hand, from which he found some relief. These words he spoke in a very rapid manner, which rendered his articulation difficult: but he every now and then, with evident increase of pain, made a greater effort with his vocal powers, and pronounced distinctly these last words "Thank God, I have done my duty;" and this great sentiment he continued to repeat as long as he was able to give it

utterance.

His Lordship became speechless in about fifteen minutes after Captain Hardy left him. Doctor Scott and Mr. Burke, who had all along sustained the bed under his shoulders

* Alluding to some wishes previously expressed by his Lordship to Captain Hardy respecting the place of his interment.

(which raised him in nearly a semi-recumbent posture, the only one that was supportable to him), forebore to disturb him by speaking to him; and when he had remained speechless about five minutes, his Lordship's Steward went to the Surgeon, who had been a short time occupied with the wounded in another part of the cockpit, and stated his apprehensions that his Lordship was dying. The Surgeon immediately repaired to him, and found him on the verge of dissolution. He knelt down by his side, and took up his hand, which was cold, and the pulse gone from the wrist. On the Surgeon's feeling his forehead, which was likewise cold, his Lordship opened his eyes, looked up, and shut them again. The Surgeon again left him. and returned to the wounded who required his assistance; but was not absent five minutes when the Steward announced to him, that he believed his Lordship had expired.” The Surgeon returned, and found that the report was but too well founded: his Lordship had breathed his last at thirty minutes past four o'clock; at which peried Dr. Scott was in the act of rubbing his Lordship's breast, and Mr. Burke supporting the bed under his shoulders.

From the time of his Lordship's being wounded, till his death, a period of about two hours and forty-five minutes elapsed; but a knowledge of the decisive victory which was gained, he acquired of Captain Hardy within the first hour-and-a-quarter of this period. A partial cannonade, however, was still maintained, in consequence of the enemy's running ships passing the British at different points; and the last distant guns that were fired at their van ships that were making off, were heard a minute or two before his Lordship expired.

PRIZE CATTLE.-SMITHFIELD CLUB.

The Smithfield Club, instituted in 1798. for encouraging the economic feeding of animals of the best kinds for the London market, at their late meetings, during the shew of fat cattle, determined on a material alteration of their premiums for oxen or steers, in consequence of the Hereford breed of those animals having of late years carried off so large a portion of the six prizes annually given, for the best oxen of different weights, &c. without distinction of breeds, as probably to discourage other valuable breeds. For the ensuing year, six prizes of 20 guineas each are offered for oxen or steers of the weight of 120 stone or upwards, of each of the following breeds, viz. Hereford, long-horned, short-horned, Sussex or Kent, Devon, and any mixed breed: with an additional prize of 10 guineas for the best ox or

steer exhibited in claim of the above six prizes. For the convenience of graziers, &c. attending Smithfield Market, printed conditions, &c. of the premiums of the next shew, are left for distribution with Mr. Mitchell, draper, No. 7, Cloth-Fair, near the Market. Mr. Arthur Young having resigned the offices of Secretary and Treasurer to the Club, Mr. John Farev and Mr. Paul Giblett were elected thereto. Thirty-one new members were ballotted for, and admitted. Lord William Russel presided, and will continne so to do, while his noble brother continues in his government of Ireland,

At the meeting of the Smithfield Club, held at Freemasons' Tavern on the 15th December, 1806, Lord William Russel in the Chair, several prizes were publicly adjudged to the owners of such of the fat cattle exhibited in Mr. Sadler's yard, Goswell-street, as had, in the opinion of five gentlemen appointed to examine them, improved the most in condition, proportionably to the quantity of food consumed in their fattening. The following are the correct particulars, since furnished to the Secretary of the Club, by the Butchers who killed the prize animals, of the weights of meat and of offals.

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PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.

The first Session of the third Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.-47. GEO. III.

CHAP. I.

Discussion on the late Negociation with France, in both Houses.

THE proceedings of Parliament are so essential to a knowledge of the political history of this country, that, to be ignorant of them, is to be unacquainted with the strength and resources of the state, with the conduct and intentions of government, and with our relations of peace or war with foreign powers. There is no individual so humble, so inconsequential, in his life and pursuits, as to be uninterested in these proceedings. From the general importance, therefore, which attaches to this species of information, it is our wish, as far as our limits admit, to present a sort of parliamentary coup d'œil. Omitting the details of debate, &c. it will be our object to present an historical sketch, in which, without descending to particulars, we shall endeavour to preserve the essence of all that is requisite to be known by the general reader.

The opening of the present Parliament, with the royal speech by commission, we have given, Panorama, p. 111. The papers relative to the late negociation with France, (vide p. 873,) which were laid before Parliament Dec. 22, 1806, were taken into consideration, in the House of Lords, Jan. 2, 1807; and, in the House of Commons, on the 5th.In the upper House, Lord Grenville, after zealously vindicating the conduct of the British government, moved: an hunble address to his Majesty, "to assure him that this House has taken into serious consideration, those papers relative to the late negociation, and see with gratitude, that he has employed every means to restore the blessing of peace, in a manner consistent with the interests and glory of his people, and, with an observance of that good faith with our allies, which this country is bound to retain inviolate. That while we lament that by the ambition and the avarice of our enemy, these laudable endeavours to restore tranquillity to his kingdom, have been frustrated, we beg leave to assure his Majesty, that no exertion shall be wanting on our part to support and assist him, in the adoption of such measures as may yet be found necessary, either for the restoration of peace, or to meet the various exigencies of the war in this most important crisis."

Lord Grenville observed, that there were very few instances, in which the papers presented to Parliament entered into such lengthened detail on particular points, as the present. All that had passed upon the business

had not indeed been stated; but it was evident, that it might have been inconsistent, not only with regard to the interests of our allies, but to our own, to give farther particulars. In the last war, it was found to have been the means of creating great difficulties in effecting an amiable accommodation. He thought, however, that the papers now presented furnished ample grounds for voting the address proposed.His Lordship observed, that, it was unnecessary for him to argue, as a general principle, the propriety of pursuing the attainment of peace. No apology therefore was necessary, for a desire to obtain such a blessing, or to ascertain whether it were practicable. There were conditions, in which nations might be placed, which might render peace worthy of being purchased with considerable sacrifices; and such sacrifices were to be esteemed, not by the value of the national commerce, finances, or revenue, but by the real value of peace to the existence of the subjects, and by looking forward to the means which might yet be necessary for the farther continuance of the war. From the experience of the last fourteen years, he must acknowledge, that the permanency of any peace now likely to be concluded, would be decreased, in proportion as the times were more perilous. When, therefore, we lament the failure of the late negociation, this small degree of probability, of obtaining a permanent peace, must be taken into consideration.- -We were in possession of objects of considerable advantage, both as to our safety in time of peace, and in time of war, so as to weaken the force of the enemy. The state of actual possession was considered as the only basis on which alone we could enter into the negociations with our present enemy, because we could not afford to pay any considerable price for an unstable and an uncertain peace. Our object was, not so much profit or commerce, as security. At the same time, this basis of actual posses sion was never intended to exclude such exchanges, as might be judged expedient Above all, we could never be conceived to be entering on such a negociation, under the supposition that we were in a state of infe riority to France. This was the general sentiment of those who had conducted the late negociation. With respect to our allies, we were bound to support them. It was impossible to conceal the distress which must result to this country, from the total subjugation of the Continent. When the present ministers came into power, they found a subsisting treaty between this country and Russia, by which Great Britain was bound not to niake peace without the consent of the Emperor Alexander. That engagement, had he had the honour of being consulted, he should have advised; and,

being made, he was sure that no noble lord in that House, or in his Majesty's councils, could think that it should have been broken through. We had other allies beside Russia, to whom we were bound, though not to the same extent. Such were Sweden and Portugal, for whom we asked nothing, except their original state of possession. Beside these, were allies of another description: the King of Naples, and the Elector of Hanover, as a distinct and separate power. As to the King of Naples, we were not bound by any distinct engagement, to procure the restoration of his whole dominions; yet, if they could be recovered, even with considerable sacrifices, we ought to meet the difliculty. The kingdom of Sicily stands in a different point of view: with the consent of its sovereign, we had occupied Sicily, and we could not think of delivering it over to the enemy. As to the Elector of Hanover, if his possessions had been attacked, not on account of any quarrel in which they had been engaged, but solely because war had been declared against Great Britain, and our enemy finding us invulnerable on any point, thought proper to take possession of the Electorate, were we not bound in honour to effect, by a treaty, its restoration? The irresistibility of this claim was admitted at Paris. In concluding, Lord Grenville observed, that he should have been much happier in addressing their lordships on the conclusion of a peace. In France, throughout the negociations, there was evidently a uniform and invariable desire evinced, to disunite this Country from all her continental allies. Large proposals were made, and every means were used to sever us from our allies, particularly from Russia. Finding us not likely to be prevailed on, they next applied to the Russian minister; and, by dint of threats, nienaces, and promises, compelled him to break faith with this country, and to sign a treaty beyond the powers which he had received. On the very day of the signing of the treaty by d'Oubril, the demands of France were increased; but, at the moment when suspicion began to prevail at Paris, that his treaty would not be ratified, a different lanquage was held to us; clearly exhibiting, that it was equally the same to France, which of the two amicable powers they could prevail upon to break with the other.

The only remaining point to be considered was, whether the demands of Russia were So extravagant, as to warrant us in making a separate peace. They were not: and they n erely added a demand, that France should desist from the occupation of Dalmatia, which could not be holden but for the purpose of general offence against Europe, being neither a commercial nor a maritime acquisition should France continue to hoid

Dalmatia, it would give her the controul of the Austrian capital, and the power of dictating to the Porte.

Lord Hawkesbury concurred in the general object of the proposed address, but did not perceive any expressions that bore out the assertion contained in His Majesty's Declara tion, that the first proposals for negociation were made by the French government; nor could he discover any grounds for supposing, that the uti possidetis had ever been acknowledged as the basis of the treaty. Such a fact should have been established by some written document.

Lord Sidmouth contended, that, although there was no specific admission of the uti pòssidetis, on the part of the French government, the whole of the negociation had been conducted on that basis. His Lordship supported this position, by quoting the words of M. Talleyrand, in his letter to Mr. Fox, in the early stage of the correspondence between the two governments: France desires nothing of Great-Britain that she already possesses." This also was the uniform inpression on the mind of Lord Yarmouth, to whom Talleyrand had used the expression— nous ne vous la demandons pas.—Alluding to the finances of this country, his Lordship observed, that, at the present moment, we had resources very different from those of 1801. Since that time, £97,000,000 had been funded; and taxation, to the amount of £4,900,000, had been imposed in addition to war taxes, amounting to nearly £20,000,000.

Earl Grosvenor expressed himself as doubting the propriety of continuing the negociation to so protracted a period; conceiving that it tended to relax the vigour of our operations. He rejoiced, however, at the flourishing state of our finances, at the approaching abolition of the Slave Trade, and the preservation of the established Church. Yet he lamented the violation of the Lord's day, and the great increase of sectaries.

Lord Eldon declared himself feelingly alive to that part of the address, which proposed the most unceasing vigour and undaunted resolution in continuing the contest; yet he could not but lament the protraction of the negociation; because the chicanery and deception of the French government had been so peculiarly marked, throughout its every stage. From his conviction of the unceasing ambition by which the chief of the French government was actuated, he could by no means bring himself to join in that part of the address, where the ineffectual endeavours of His Majesty to form a pacific treaty were considered as a cause of regret. He had never considered the treaty of Amiens, as honourable or glorious; and, since that treaty, the characteristic duplicity of the French ca

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