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And hence, no doubt, additional horrors would often haunt their folitude, and a deeper gloom overshadow the imagination even of the hardieft na

tive.

A fufficient evidence can hardly be found for the reality of the fecond fight, or at least of what is common. ly understood by that term. A treatife on the fubject was published in the year 1762, in which many tales were told of perfons whom the author believed to have been favoured, or haunted, with thefe illuminations: but most of the tales were trifling and ridiculous: and the whole work betrayed, on the part of the compiler, fuch extreme credulity, as could not fail to prejudice many readers a gainst his fyftem.

ally expofed to fatal accidents. back. Add but a lively dream to this flumber, and (which is the frequent effect of disease) take away the confcioufnefs of having been afleep, and a fuperftitious man may easily miftake his dream for a waking vifion; which, however, is foon forgotten, when no fubfequent occurrence recalls it to his memory; but which, if it shall be thought to resemble any future event, exalts the poor dreamer into a Highland prophet. This conceit makes him more reclufe and more melancholy than ever; and fo feeds his disease and multiplies hisvifions: which, if they are not diffipated by business or fociety, may continue to haunt him as long as he lives; and which in their progress through the neighbourhood, receive fome new tinctures of the marvellous from every mouth that promotes their circulation. As to the prophetical nature of this fecond fight, it cannot be admitted at all. That the Deity fhould work a miracle in order to give intimation of the frivolous things that thefe tales are made up of, the arrival of a ftranger, the nailing of a coffin, or the colour of a fuit of clothes; and that thefe intimations fhould be given for no end, and to those perfons only who are idle and folitary, who fpeak Gaelic, or who live among mountains and deserts, is ̧ like nothing in nature, or providence, that we are acquainted with: and must therefore, unlefs it were confirmed by fatisfactory proof, (which is not the cafe) be rejected as abfurd and incredible.

That any of thefe vifionaries are apt to be fwayed in their declarations by finifter views, we will not fay; but this may be faid with confidence, that none but ignorant people pretend to be gifted in this way. And in them, it may be nothing more, perhaps, than fhort fits of fudden fleep or drowfinefs, attended with lively dreams, and arifing from fome bodily disorder, the effect of idlenefs, low fpirits, or a gloomy imagination. For it is admitted, even by the moft credulous Highlanders, that as knowledge and induftry are propagated in their country, the fecond fight difappears in proportion: and nobody ever laid claim to the faculty who was much employed in the intercourfe of focial life. Nor is it at all extraordinary, that one fhould have the appearance of being awake, and fhould even think one's felf fo, during thefe fits of dofing: that they fhould come on fuddenly, and while one is engaged in fome bufineis. The fame thing happens to perfons much fatigued, or long kept awake, who frequently fall asleep for a moment, or for a long fpace, while they are ftanding, or walking, or riding on horfe

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dom, should sometimes happen to falute the paffenger by his right appellation.

To the confidence of these objections, Dr Johnson replies, that by prefuming to determine what is fit, and what is beneficial, they prefuppofe more knowledge of the univerfal fyftem than man has attained; and therefore depend upon principles too complicated and extenfive for our comprehenfion; and that there can be no fecurity in the confequence, when the premises are not understood; that the fecond fight is only wonderful because it is rare; for, confidered in itself, it involves no more difficulty than dreams, or perhaps than the re gular exercife of the cogitative faculty.

That a general opinion of communicative impulfes, or visionary representations, has prevailed in all ages and all nations; that particular in

ftances have been given with such evidence, as neither Bacon nor Boyle has been able to refift; that fudden impreffions, which the event has ve rified, have been felt by more than own or publish them; that the fe cond fight of the Hebrides, implies only the local frequency of a power, which is now no where totally unknown; and that where we are unable to decide by antecedent reason, we must be content to yield to the force of teflimony. By pretenfion to fecond fight, no profit was ever fought or gained. It is an involuntary af fection, in which neither hope nor fear are known to have any part. Those who profess to fel it do not boaft of it as a privilege, nor are confidered by others as advantageoufly diftinguished. They have no temptation to feign, and their hearers have no motive to encourage the impof

ture.

ANECDOTES OF THE ABBE SIEYES AND THE CARDINAL DE ROHAN.

From Bertrand de Moleville's Annals of the French Revolution.

I

IT only depended on the poffeffion of an abbey of 12,000 livres (five hundred pounds fterling) a year, and a little more attention from the archbishop of Sens, to have made the abbe Sieyes one of the most zealous fupporters of the old government. affert this fact on the teftimony of feveral perfons worthy of the higheft credit, without any fear of its being contradicted by the abbe Sieyes himfelf; and I cite him from among a thousand inftances, that the world may juftly appreciate the zeal, patriotifm, and principles of thofe revolutionary demoniacs, who all, mad men and idiots excepted, had no other object in declaiming and writing fo violently against the government and the minifters, than to make them purchafe at a higher price their filence or their pen. The abbe Sieyes, a man for fyftems, a fubtle arguer, and ob

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fcurely profound metaphyfician, pushed himself into notice in 1787, in the Provincial Affembly of Orleans, of which he was a member, by his continual and frequently embarraffing op. pofition to the old principles, and to all the views of government, The archbishop of Sens, then minifter, being informed of it, afked M. de L-, one of the principal members of that department, who the abbe Sieyes was, of whom he had heard fo much. "He is a man (replied M. de L--) extremely dangerous in times like thefe. You must abfolutely fecure him, to prevent his doing a great deal of mischief." what means fecure him?” is but one; and that is to chain him down with fetters-not of iron, but of gold." "What! do you think he is to be bought?" "I have no doubt of it; he is not rich; he loves

But by. "There

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expenfive living, and good cheer, and of course money." How much mult he have? Do you think an annuity of 6000 hvres upon an abbey would be enough?""No; his price is higher than that"- "Say, twelve, then ""That will do; but instead of giving him an annuity, give him an abbey of that value. He is of low extraction, and full of vanity; he would be highly flattered with an abbey, and you will be fure of being better ferved for it." "Let it be fo then. Will you undertake the negociation?". No, I cannot; but the abbe de Cezarges, who is known to be entirely devoted to you, is in qur Provincial affembly, and nobody is fitter to execute the commiffion.". Well, then, I will put it into

his bands."

The archbishop of Sens in confequence fent the abbe Cezarges private inftructions, together with a letter which he was to fhow, as occafion required to the abbe Sieyes, and in which the minifter fpoke highly of the talents and great knowledge of the abbe, faying, that he had mentioned him to the king, and that his majefty, thought of calling him into the adminiftration, of preferring him to an abbey of 12,000 livres income, &c.

With thefe credentials the abbe Cezarges went, and paid a friendly vifit to the abbe Sieyes. "How is it, my dear abbe," said he to him, "that with all the talents you poffefs, you have not the wit to turn them to account in improving your fituation? The fide of oppofition in our affemblies will only ferve to create you powerful enemies, and to fhut the door of favour again you; whereas, if, inthead of perpetually op. pofing and embarraffing the government, you were to be of fervice to it, you would certainly be well reward ed."" Of fervice to the government! Do not mention it to me; there is nothing to be done with

thofe people: they are all either madmen or fools "The archbishop of Sens."-"The archbishop of Sens is the greateft madman among them.": "You will at leaft allow that he is not a fool, and I will convince you that he is not mad. You are much in the wrong to speak of him as you do: the proof of his not being mad is, that he thinks highly of you."-" Of me! He does not even know my name.' "You are miftaken: he has heard a great deal of you; and does not doubt that you could, if you would, be of very great fervice to the adminiftration; he has even propofed you to the king, and to give you an abbey."-An abbey!"

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Yes, an abbey! an abbey too with a revenue of 12,000 livres; this deferves attention."-" No doubt it would, if what you fay were true."

"I can'thow you all I have faid to you, written by the hand of the minifter himself; and I fhould not have mentioned it to you, had I not been exprefsly commiffioned by him to do it.'-Oh! that alters the cafe.'• Well! what anfwer fhall I give ?".

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I cannot pretend to fay that a good abbey would not give me a very great pleafure. That's right; and you may depend upon having one; but may the miniftry alfo depend upon your fervices? Of courfe: and if they will liften to me they will be guilty of fewer follies. Then I may write to the archbishop of Sens, that you accept the abbey, and fo forth.' Yes, certainly; but when is this to take place ?- Immediately after the clofing of our provincial affenbly. You must go to Verfailles, where you will fee the archbishop; converfe with him upon the fubject, and in the next arrangement of the lift you will be appointed.'

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From that moment, the abbe Sieyes entirely changed his tone in the affembly, to the great aftonishment of thofe who were unacquainted with his fecret. They continued fitting

for

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commerce on the manners and morals, on the fecurity and happinefs, of the Africans, has begun to be perceived. by the natives themfelves; many of whom, though occafionally engaged in the flave trade, have expreffed their joy at the profpect of its abolition. They not only complain of the frauds and the inpofitions of the whites, but of the general infecurity they have introduced. So early as the year 1787, the chief of Almammy not only prohibited the flave-trade in his own territories, but refufed to allow the French to march their flaves from Gallam through his country, fo that they were obliged to change their route. As a Marabout, having in his youth received an education fuperior to that of other black princes, he rendered himself entirely independent of the whites, ranfomed his fubjects when feized by the Moors, and encouraged them to raife cattle, to cultivate the land, and to practife all kinds of induftry. Falconbridge's character of the negroes is unqueftionably juft: "They feaft," faid he, "round graves; and were they to "fee their country in flames, they "would cry, let it burn, without in

ginal rude ftate. Till lately, the Portugueze were the only nation that, with their fubjugation, had attempt ed their improvement. The Portugueze did not confine themfelves to trading factories, but formed large colonies under a regular government on the coafts They attempted to inftruct the natives in the cultivation of their foil, and taught them a reli gion which tended to foften their manners as well as to reform their morals. In Loango, Congo, Angola, and Benguila, they have been fo fe dulous in the converfion of the negroes, that they are believed to have made them better Chriftians than them felves. From Benin, Guinea, and Negritia, they were expelled by the other European powers, co operating with the natives, before their eftablishments had acquired folidity. They have ftill various factories in thefe countries; and, at different places of the coaft, a mongrel race are found, who boaft their Portu gueze extraction, though they have adopted the manners of the negroes and their modes of life. In colour they are hardly diftinguishable from the darkest negroes; a fact which feems to fhow, that Europeans, adopt-"terrupting their finging, dancing, ing the negro manner of life, would in time acquire the negroe hue. In feveral of thefe countries, the Portugueze miffions, from the want of a fteady and perfevering fupport, have experienced a great declination of influence. Their nation, however, has the credit of trading in Africa produce to greater extent than any other nation, and of carrying on the flavetrade with as much humanity as it is poffible to unite with fo inhuman traffic. Their flave-veffels are never crowded, and are navigated chiefly by black mariners, who fympathize more with the fufferings of their countrymen than the whites. Before the flaves are shipped, they are catechized and receive the rite of baptifm.

1

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The pernicious effects of European

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or drinking. They

or drinking. They are equally in"fenfible of grief and neceffity: They fing till they die, and dance into "the grave. "In fpite of this infenfibility, or rather levity of character, they have learned to estimate the character of the traders. Though thofe who are immediately concerned in the flave trade say, It is very

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good for black man to love white "man, and not hurt but make trade "with him, because white man's fhips bring all the good things and ftrong. liquors into black man's country yet the moft difcerning fcruple not to declare, that wherever white man comes, there comes a fword, a gunpowder, and ball. They are defirous of educating their children in white man's fashion, that he may read book

and

7

and learn to be fo well as white rogue, man; for, say they, if white man not read, he be no better rogue than black

man.

Thus it appears that all intercourfe with the negroes, as it has been carried on upon commercial principles, has tended uniformly to the debasement of their underftandings, and the degradation of their moral natures; every kind of connec tion has been fatal, like the touch of the putrid fide of the gigantic devil, in which the negroes of Anto, on the Gold Coaft, believe. This circumftance has induced fome of the friends of humanity, who have interested themfelves in the fate of the African na

tions, to regard with extreme fufpicion the introduction of every fpecies of commercial fpeculation into those fyftems of colonization which have been founded upon principles of humanity. But furely every method, by which the curiofity of the favage may be rouzed, and his industry ex. cited, without calling his malevolent paffions into exertion, mult ultimately tend to the amelioration of his focial state. Agriculture is the principle of vitality in a colony, but the production of the raw materials of manufacture, or the acquifition of the materials of exchange and barter, conftitutes its credit, and creates its influence as a province or a nation.

AGRICULTURAL COLONY IN

ACCOUNT OF THE SWEDISH DESIGN OF AN
AFRICA-CHARACTER OF WADSTROM.

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From the fame.

FROM the difcovery of Weft Africa by the Portugueze to the Jatter part of the 18th century, the fame iniquitous commercial principles continued to regulate the intercourfe of white men with their fable brethren, to degrade the negro, and difgrace the European. The immenfe edifice of flavery ftill continued to infult the eyes of the fons of freedom; and, undeterred by the groans of anguilh, the clanking of chains, and the echo of the whip that refound through the pile, free men wounded deeply the liberties which they boafted, by affuming the lafh of the talkmafter. Who first attempted to demolish the infernal prifon-houfe, and to raife over its ruins the temple of freedom? Who first attempted to vindicate infulted humanity, and to burft the chains which the fanction of ages had rivetted? The Swedish nation may claim the glory of forming the first fpecific plan for alleviating the evils which the inhuman man-trade has occafioned in Africa; and the Danes

of carrying into execution the first agricultural eftablishment, for inftructing the negroes in the cultivation of their fertile foil, and teaching them to avenge their wrongs on the abettors of flavery, by rearing a bulwark for freedom in the Land of Slaves.

The Swedish defign of eftablishing a colony in Africa, which, by its original organization, might exclude every political, financial, and mercantile principle, which appeared to be inconfiftent with the happiness of mankind, though it only terminated in exploring a part of that continent, originated in the pureft and most difinterefted motives. In the year 1779, fome members of a fociety, formed for diffufing thofe principles of civilization which appeared to be best calculated for promoting focial order and general happiness, met at Norkioping in Sweden, to confider the colonization and cultivation of waste lands in Europe, upon philanthropical principles. What feemed imprag

ticable

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