of Cornwall, that it should be so prolific in the extinction of decayed boroughs. of honourable members in this House, al- Whether this should be effected by comthough all the population of all the Cor-pensation, or without compensation, and nish boroughs is not much greater than whether we should extend our inquiries that of Nottingham alone? And Sir, it to self-elected corporate bodies, possessmust remain a subject of alarm to many, ing the rights of franchise, will be matter of surprise to all, that according to a cal- for future discussion. But, Sir, vital inculation taken in 1815, one-half of the terests are in the meanwhile at stake. English and Welsh representatives in this The nation knows and feels it to be so; it. House should be returned by about eleven feels it in all the ramifications of its comthousand persons, and the other half by merce, in all the elements of its wealth above nine millions. and greatness-it feels it in the very husbandry of its soil, the staple of its power and prosperity-and it feels, too, that it is not safe to trust to burgage tenures and proprietary influence what should be con disease, no doubt, is of long standing, but the seat of it has been well ascertained, and it will require no great skill in political anatomy to remove the parts affected. They cannot be cured: they must be cut away Sir, this is neither the time nor the place to enter into nice verifications of facts; it is sufficient to lay grounds for future inquiry, and I believe it will then appear that I have understated the ano-fided to a chaster representation. The malies of our representation. But, Sir, the answer given to all this is, "it works well !” This has been the ready reply since the time that the late Mr. Canning's eloquence gave it currency, and made it popular. "It works well!" True; it does work very well for the jobbers in the borough-market; it does work very well for all who go on to power, and profit, and distinction, by the system; and I dare say ministers will be the last to say it works ill. But, Sir, it works destructively for the empire at large-it works destructively for the country and its colonies-it works against every one of the great interests of this country-against the wellbeing of its trade, its manufactures, its agriculture. Majorities, and (according to my views of the questions which have been carried) fatal majorities in this House have been swelled by means of this influence; and what is most mischievous is, the existence of such a system degrades this House in the estimation of the people the representative body loses the respect and confidence of the body represented. It is to this cause, Sir, that the indignation of the country ascribes the success of the odious principle of free trade; a principle which, if persisted in, will spread the desolation still farther, which so fearfully prevails, and is now pressing so severely on our commerce. To this again is to be attributed the largeness of that majority which lately overthrew the constitution, and proved to the people how very little their prayers were heard or heeded. How then, Sir, is a system so mischievous to be mended? Which are the most pressing of its evils? Where should the proposed reform begin? Unquestionably, "Immedicabile vulnus Ense recidendum, ne pars sincera trahatur." Entertaining, therefore, Sir, these sentiments, and impressed with a strong feeling, that in the existing circumstances of the country (which it would be idle for any man to seek to disguise from himself), it would be expedient for this House not to separate, without evincing some disposition to take this question into its consideration at no distant period, I have thought it my duty, at this eleventh hour, to direct the attention of hon. members to it; and I shall conclude my present observations by conjuring them to bear in mind the ever-memorable words of Mr. Burke, as cited by Mr. Fox-" Representation (not the unreal mockery, but the efficient substance of representation) is the sovereign remedy for every disorder, the infallible security against popular discontent." The noble marquis then moved, 1. "That there exists a class or description of Boroughs, commonly called close or decayed, in which the Returns of Members to Parliament are notoriously capable of being effected by the payment of money in the way of purchase, and frequently are so effected; and also, another class of Boroughs, in which the Elective Franchise is vested in so few Electors, that the Returns are capable of being effected by the payment of money, in the way of bribes, to individual Electors, and frequently are so effected. 2."That the existence of such Boroughs, and the continuance of such practices, are disgraceful to the character of this House, destructive of the confidence of the people, and prejudicial to the best interests of the country." The first Resolution being put, even be contended, that the close-borough system is one of unmixed evil. A glance around us would offer a practical illustra tion, that such a doctrine was fallacious for we see amongst the representatives of close boroughs, men whose splendid talents are devoted to the welfare of their country, and whose votes here are the best records of their independence and political integ rity. But is it fair to infer, because a judicious or fortuitous situation has sent such men to parliament, that, from a system based on corruption, and acting in perpetual violation of the best principles of the constitution, any order of things can arise in which evil will not greatly preponderate over good; and would the abolition of close boroughs involve the exclusion of such men? On the contrary, the representation being transferred to populous places, would facilitate their ap Mr. O'Neil said: I rise to second the resolution which my noble friend has so ably brought before the House; deeply impressed with their importance, and fully aware of my own inability to do justice to the subject. I am also aware, that an invidious construction has been put on the conduct of members who, having hitherto generally supported government, now bring forward a proposition to which that government is supposed to be unfavourable. I trust the House will permit me to ex-proach to parliament, and their return onerate myself from the imputations which would be effected in a manner much more such unjust inferences convey. If there honourable to themselves, and therefore be those who think the government dan- more congenial to their feelings. From gerous, they will find not only a justifica- the time of Richard the 2nd, all historical : tion, but an eulogium on systematic op- records establish the fact, that the Com-: position, in the words of Mr. Fox, who mons were rendered corrupt by means of says, that systematic opposition to a go- undue influence at elections. Amongst vernment considered dangerous is a noble the names of those who, on these grounds, employment. He adds, that if that advocated the necessity of reform, we find opposition arises from pique, resentment, Camden, Savile, Chatham, Pitt, Grey, or disappointment, the people will be Fox, Sheridan, Burke and Erskine; and against it. Admitting the truth of both in one sentence of Erskine's, we find the these propositions, I distinctly declare that spirit of the speeches and the writings of neither applies to me. I would not de- these great authorities: Mr. Erskine attri- *grade the great question of reform into an butes to undue elections," that the House. engine for party purposes; nor would I, of Commons, instead of being that for were it in my power, throw any embar- which it was intended, a control on the rassment in the way of a government Crown, had become the great engine of its which, it is said, entertains extensive pro- power." Lord Bolingbroke, at an earlier jects of reform, by which alone the great period, took a similar view of the necessity establishments of the country can be ren- of reform, and called the attention of the dered permanent and respectable; still country to the state to which it might be less have I any pique to gratify. The reduced by "a desperate minister, abetted recollection of the defeat of the party by a mercenary faction, and supported by with which I had the honour to act is a standing army." Let us suppose, then, associated with better feelings than those a venal parliament, such as lord Bolingof impotent revenge and resentment. If broke describes-let us suppose a “deany acrimonious feelings, elicited in the sperate minister," rash, ambitious, impetu-warmth of debate, did exist, they have ous and powerful, overbearing to his collong since merged into an anxious desire leagues, haughty and imperious to the to co-operate with those who obtained the Commons, insidious amongst his equals, victory in applying it to the best purposes dictatorial to his sovereign, despotic to the for the general advantage of the empire. people, and reckless of their remonstrances The reformation which my noble friend wishes to effect will not, it must be conceded, close all the sources by which corruption may taint this House. It cannot to whom would such a minister address himself, when about to force a measure repugnant to the people? To the great borough proprietor, knowing well- that 1 there are two codes of parliamentary | for refusing to get rid of one nuisance that honour one by which we are exonerated several exist. Close boroughs are notofrom all promises or pledges, no matter riously bought and sold: to sell or buy a how solemnly given to our constituents in seat in this House is a gross violation of a body, though they amount to thousands, the law of the land. Peers are generally whenever it may suit us to change our the borough proprietors. That a peer political creed; the other, by which we should even interfere at an election is a are bound to our single aristocratic con- breach of privilege; and that he should stituent. If we violate the most trifling actually return the member is incompatible pledge to him, we are considered as highly with the independence of this House. dishonourable; and if we have any com- Peers, from their wealth and connexions, punctious visitings of conscience, we must have ample and natural influence in console ourselves in the Chiltern Hun- county elections; and all beyond that is dreds. There are some exceptions: it is contrary to the wise and salutary princitrue, we may see a government very ples of our constitution. The return of honourably acquiescing in a freedom of a member for a close borough is deopinion in some of those attached to it: structive of the tie which should subsist it is true, we may see an independent between constituent and representative; nobleman, uninfluenced by the allurements it obviates the necessity of all communiof office, and unbiassed by the ties of cation between them, and it enables men friendship, registering his vote in a manner to enter the House of Commons as rethat intitles him to the confidence of his presentatives of the people, who have country; but we may not argue from par- never, on general questions, publicly exticular instances to universal conclusions. pressed any opinion whatever-a course To whom, next, would this minister apply? which every man is obliged to adopt at a To him who bought his seat, and might public election. The close-borough sysbe said almost to have obtained a right to tem affords a great facility to any body of dispose of his vote for his own private men accumulating a capital, and leagued advantage. How long, Sir, is this shame- together for any purpose dangerous to the ful system to be upheld? How long shall establishments of the country, to send we continue to see, as in the days of Mr. men, whose sentiments are unknown to Fox, men, and men of honour too-the the people, into the House of Commons, one having paid, and the other received, organised and acting in concert for pur5,000 for a seat in parliament-voting poses dangerous to our institutions, and side by side for the imprisonment of a fatal to our liberties. Lastly; the purstarving manufacturer, who, to save his chase and sale of seats is a glaring and family from perishing, had sold his vote disgraceful example to the lower orders, for a single pound? Custom and im- that rank and power carry with them impunity may familiarise men with crime, punity for guilt, and encourages them to but they are not palliatives for it. Was consider a traffic in votes justifiable on there, then, ever a fitter moment to the score of precedent among their supeentertain the question of reform? We riors. These, Sir, are my objections to a are at peace abroad, but we are in misery system for which I think it presumptuous at home. The case of our foreign rela- to suggest any remedy, until this House tions may at this period be intrusted to a has come to a decision that a disease government; but to alleviate the distresses exists. I certainly never can consent to of our countrymen will ever be the para- entertain this portion of the doctrine of mount duty of a parliament that fairly reform, without associating it with an idea represents them. Lord Liverpool, when of fair compensation. Great difficulties lord Hawkesbury, said in this House, that naturally present themselves; but, with the evils incidental to corruption could be every respect for individual opinion, I traced to close boroughs. He had no never will arrive at the conclusion, that objection that a remedy should be ap- these difficulties amount to an impossibiplied. If the objections against close lity, until, after a full and impartial invesboroughs, which I shall now submit to tigation, a committee of this House shall the House, can be fairly met, I shall have come to that resolution. willingly admit that no evil arises from that system; but if they be not, I consider them established; and it is no reason Mr. Benett said, that the present motion reminded them of the olden days of parliamentary reform, when the subject had been frequently brought before the House, though not with greater force and eloquence than had been displayed by the noble lord. He conceived that the noble marquis, in bringing forward these resolutions at that late period of the session, merely meant to pledge himself to introduce some measure, founded upon them, with its accompanying details, in the next session. The resolutions contained a statement of facts, which he did not imagine any member of that House would be able to deny or to refute, and he should certainly vote for their adoption. He was no wild or visionary reformer; he was anxious to give the people a full and fair representation; and he would therefore vote for any motion that was calculated to effect that object. Mr. Hume conceived, that none of the propositions contained in the resolutions could be denied. They had been over and over again proved at the bar of the House, and in evidence before various committees; the allegations advanced in the resolutions were so self-evident, that he did not think it would be possible to find a single member in that House disposed to dispute them. He should certainly vote for the motion. would be imposible for the House, even if they were prepared to affirm the allegations of those resolutions, to follow them up by any practical measure at that late period of the session. That was his fust objection to this motion, He also objected to the character which these resolutions went to affix upon the small boroughs of this country. If hon, members would even go the length of adopting the charges preferred by the resolutions against the small borough system, would it be fair to give the sanction of the House to such charges, without adopting some remedy for the evil, if evil there did exist in that portion of our representative system? But he was not prepared to affirm the truth of the charges made against the close boroughs. He could not assent to the proposition, that boroughs, where the electors were few in number, were more open to bribery and corruption than boroughs where the number of electors was great; because he had no evidence whatever of the fact. He could not, therefore, consent to involve in a sweeping condemnation those boroughs where there was a small number of electors. He had no reason to suppose that the trustees of those boroughs had violated the trust reposed in them. But even if, after due consideration, it should appear that any of those boroughs had not honestly exercised their franchise, the Mr. Secretary Peel said, he was not prepared to affirm the truth of the allegations contained in these resolutions. Though he differed in opinion from the noble mar-noble lord had not stated how he would quis, he was ready to admit the temper propose to appropriate the forfeited franand ability with which he had submitted chise. The hon. gentleman who had this question to the House; and although seconded the motion had advocated the his majesty's government had unfortu- necessity of adopting these resolutions now, nately incurred his disapprobation, and with a view to pledge the House to the though he differed from the noble marquis discussion of this important question next on this particular question, he begged to session. But if the resolutions were neassure him that that circumstance did not ingatived now, the noble lord would not lose the slightest degree lessen the satisfaction which he felt at seeing the noble marquis, the descendant of an illustrious warrior, and the representative of a noble House, bringing forward a measure of this description in such a moderate spirit, and supporting his opinion with an ability worthy of the cause which he had undertaken, and of the name which he bore. This was, however, a subject of such vast importance, that it was obviously necessary that ample time should be afforded for its consideration, and it was plain that if the House were prepared to affirm the abstract principles of resolutions like those, it should follow them up by some practical measure. Now, he conceived that it the opportunity of having this question discussed next session; and it so happened, by a fortuitous coincidence, that that very night a noble lord had given notice of amotion for next session for the purpose of giving the elective franchise to the manufacturing towns of Birmingham, Manchester, and Leeds. So that if there should be no time for debating the question of parliamentary reform this session, ample opportunity would be afforded for the discussion of the subject in the next session. The noble lord, besides, rested his motion upon grounds which he imagined would not meet with the approbation of the advocates of the general measure of parliamentary reform on the other side of the House. The noble lord had attacked the close boroughs as having, in the first instance, been the means of the adoption by that House of the abominable principles of free trade; and, secondly, as having enabled that House, contrary to the sense of the people, to carry the question of Catholic emancipation. Now those who advocated the general measure of reform would scarcely support the resolutions of the noble lord on the ground that the close boroughs had contributed to the triumph of a great principle over local prejudices and passions; nor was he aware, that the noble lord's objection to the existence of the close boroughs, as influencing the adop tion of the principle of free trade, would have a greater weight with those hon. members. If the system of close boroughs had contributed to the triumph of those great principles, such a system should rather be preserved than sacrificed. Even if he could at all bring himself to assent to the proposition of the noble lord, he would object to the period at which it had been brought forward. - Mr. Hobhouse said, that having been always the advocate of parliamentary reform, he should certainly vote for the resolutions moved by the noble marquis. If, however, he imagined that the adoption of parliamentary reform would be calculated to make that House less inclined to the great principles of civil and religious liberty, he should rather that the House should remain as it was at present constituted, than that such a change should be effected in its character. He uniformly advocated parliamentary reform, because it was calculated to produce a quite different result. The right hon. Secretary, in bringing in the bill for Catholic emancipation, had proved to demonstration, that the majority of the popular representation of the country was in favour of that For himself, he had always advocated the principles of free trade; his only fault with the government was, that they did not go far enough; and if he thought that the people of England were so obtuse in their understandings, and so blind to their own interests, as to oppose those principles, he should prefer, under such circumstances, to refer the subject for consideration to the portion of the intellect of the country at present in that House, than refer it to those whose ignorance made them run counter to their best interests. Whoever the noble lord might measure. have referred to, when he spoke of the |