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Protest against the third Reading of the Militia Reduction Bill.

DISSENTIENT, July 10. Because the measures prescribed by the bill are destructive of the constitutional force of the country, by making the militia ballot a fund for the supply, and its dicipline a drill for the accommodation of other corps, and by degrading its officers to the humiliating situation of commanding the miserable remnants of their regiments rejected by recruiting serjeants of the line. Because the subversion of this constitutional force must be the inevitable consequence, as it is probably the object of these measures ; for it cannot be imagined that gentlemen of property (such as are required by the still remaining wreck of the militia laws) should hereafter come forward in times of difficulty and danger, with a zeal and patriotism so much applauded, and so bitterly insulted; that men of the highest consideration and fortune, such as alone can form a constitutional force, should quit their domestic comforts and family occupations without personal views, or professional allurements, to fill a station so degrading to them as that of drill serjeants to the army: but exclusive of this great and insuperable objection, we consider this bill as framed under circumstances of gross inattention to the public interest, to private rights of various descriptions, and to the clearest and most important principles of the constitution; and we should esteem ourselves neglectful of our own characters, as well as deficient in public duty, if we did not record our marked and unreserved reprobation of a measure of such dangerous tendency: first, because the promoters of this bill have, contrary to every principle

of common justice, established an arbitrary proportion, by which the respective counties are hereafter to be burthened with the expense of raising their future militia,deviating from the established scale, approved and sanctioned by the act of the twenty-sixth and thirty-seventh of the king, without any grounds laid before parliament, by which the justice of such deviation could be estimated, though in a few days, and with no expense. The annual list for the county ballots returned to the lieutenants of each county, and directed (by the twenty-sixth of Geo. III. chap. 107, clause 50.) to be transmitted to the secretary of state, would, without error, have produced a correct scale.

Secondly, Because all militia men, not arriving (after their inrolment) at their respective regiments at the exact time, contained in any order which may be given to them, are declared to be deserters, liable to be taken from service in the militia for five years within the kingdom, and condemned to serve in regiments of the line for life in any part of the world, by sentence of a regimental courtmartial, where neither the judges nor witnesses are upon oath; and by an additional injustice, the county which paid the service of the man is liable to the further charge of supplying his place.

Thirdly, Because the difficulties and embarrassments which men inrolled to serve in the militia are exposed to by this bill, are so obviously cruel and unjust, that it affords no slight ground of suspicion that they are intended to promote the recruiting the regular forces from the militia, by the forced desertions of the unfortunate individuals who shall be engaged in the militia service for the

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man, as soon as he is inrolled, perhaps many hundred miles from his regiment, is ordered to join it; but by this bill no pay is to commence, nor allowance to be granted, till he actually joins his regiment; he is deprived of all former sources of subsistence, and is not entitled to the means of present support; plunder or charity alone can maintain him on the road, and if, under all these unsurmountable difficulties, he does not arrive within the time limited in his orders, he is liable to be treated as a deserter.

Fourthly, Because by this bill the regiments of militia are invited to a state of disorder and mutiny by anticipation, as the bill has publicly declared that desertion before the period of its passing into a law was to be made an offence not necessarily followed by punishment, but that every man may, by such desertion, take leave of absence till August, if by that time he shall inlist in the public service; the bill encourages immediate desertion from a service to which the may had sworn fidelity; and the king is empowered to authorise the deserter's entrance into another service discharged from any claim by the militia regiment to which he belongs.

Fifthly, Because by this bill the most important and incontroverti- ble principle of the constitution is flagrantly impeached. Whether it is legal or not to appropriate public money by an order of the commissioners of the treasury, and levy money on the land owners by a similar order, without consent of parliament, is stated by the bill as a matter of doubt entertained by parliament; and on the grounds of this pretended doubt, a clause of indemnity is introduced, of which the title of the bill gave no intima

tion, and to which the attention of the legislature had not been directed

In this general neglect, overthrow, and den al of private justice, public principles, and national rights, it is not to be wondered at that little attention should be paid to the feelings of individuals, however called by their country to stations of considerable confidence and trust; yet we cannot but ex press our disapprobation of the granting directions to commanding officers of militia regiments to crimp for another service their associates and fellow soldiers, and become at once the instruments both of their own disgrace, and of that of the militia establishment to which they are zealously attached..

CARNARVON. RADNOR.

WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM.

Speech of bis Majesty in proroguing Parliament, Wednesday, July 12.

My Lords and Gentlemen, The favourable appearances which I announced to you at the commencement of the present session have since been followed by successes beyond my most sanguine expectations. By the progress of the imperial arms under the command of the archduke Charles of Austria, a great part of Switzerland has already recovered its ancient religion, laws, and liberties; and the uninterrupted and brilliant victories of the combined armies mder the command of field-mar hal Suwarrolf, have, in the short period which has elapsed since the opening of the campaign, nearly accom plished the deliverance of Italy from the degrading yoke of the French republic.

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The decision and energy which distinguish the councils of my ally the emperor of Russia, and the intinate union and concert happily established between us, will enable me to employ to the greatest advantage the powerful means which you have entrusted to me, for establishing, on permanent grounds, the security and honour of this country, and the liberty and independence of Europe.

I have the satisfaction of seeing that internal tranquillity is in some degree restored to my kingdom of Jreland. The removal of the only remaining naval force of the enemy to a distant quarter must nearly extinguish even the precarious hope which the traitorous and disaffected have entertained of foreign assist ance. But our great reliance for the immediate safety of that country must still rest on the experienced zeal and bravery of my troops of all descriptions, and on the unshaken loyalty and voluntary exertions of my faithful subjects in both king doms: Its ultimate security can alone be insured by its intimate and entire union with Great Britain; and I am happy to observe that the sentiments manifested by numerous and respectable descriptions of my Irish subjects, justify the hope that the accomplishment of this great and salutary work will be proved to be as much the joint wish, as it unquestionably is the common in terest of both my kingdoms.

The provisions which you have made for suppressing those danger ous and seditious societies which had been formed for the purpose of disseminating the destructive principles of the French revolution are peculiarly adapted to the circumstances of the times, and have farnished additional security the establishment.

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Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

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The unusual sacrifices which you have made in the present moment, on behalf of my subjects, are wisely calculated to meet effectually the exigencies of this great crisis. They have at the same time given additional security to public credit, by establishing a system of finance beneficial alike to yourselves and to posterity; and the cheerfulness with which these heavy burthens are supported, evince at once the good sense, the loyalty, and the public spirit of my people.

My Lords and Gentlemen, It is impossible to compare the events of the present year with the state and prospects of Europe at the distance of but a few months, without acknowledging, in humble thankfulness, the visible interposition of Divine Providence, in averting those dangers which so long threatened the overthrow of all the establishèments of the civilised world.

It may be permitted to is to hope, that the same protecting Providence will continue to us its guidance through the remainder of this eventful contest, and will conduct it finally to such an issue as shall transmit to future agés a memorable example of the instability of all power founded on injustice, usnrpation and impiety; and shall prove the impossibility of ultimately dissolving the connection between public prosperity and public virtue.

Then the lord chanceller, by his majesty's command, said,

My Lords and Gentlemen, It is his majesty's royal will and pleasure, that this parlament be prorogued to Tuesday the twentyseventh day of August next, to be then here holden; and this parlia

ment is accordingly prorogued to Tuesday the twenty-seventh day of August next.

The Speech of the Speaker of the House of Commons at the Bar of the House of Lords, July 12.

Most Gracious Sovereign, In the name of the commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, it is my duty humbly to tender to your majesty the bills by which their grants are completed for the public service of the year. The magnitude of the supply, and the cheerfulness with which it has been given, combined with the flourishing state of commerce, and of the revenue, and with the manifestations of zeal and public spirit which universally prevail, may justly be considered as indications, the most encouraging and decisive, of the abundant and unimpaired resources of the British empire, and of the unshaken firmness of your faithful people. To your commans it is a subject of pride and satisfaction to reflect, that in providing for the exigency of the present conjuncture, they have been enabled to adopt a measure, which, though attended with sacrifices unprecedented in their amount,is eminently calculated to administer effectual support to public credit; upon the depreciation, and unexpected failure, of which, the enemy have long been induced to found the vain hope of destroying the liberties and independence of these kingdoms. The conduct, however, of your commons has not been influenced by a limited and partial view of the situation and circumstances of this country, and of the causes which operate upon its welfare and security; they know that

its interests are closely connected with those of other states; and they have accordingly conformed to the principles of a sound and enlarged policy, by affording to your majesty the most ample means of promoting and assisting the exertions of those powers, who, justly estimating the danger with which they are threatened, are convinced that a fatal aggravation of it would be the probable consequence of compromise and supineness; and that, to be successfully repelled, it must be opposed by such efforts as will be sufficient to prove to the enemy that their system of ambition and conquest is equally nefarious and extravagant, and that its objects are unattainable. Your commODS, Sire, are deeply sensible of the importance of the stake for which your majesty is still unavoidably contending, and of the duties which they are bound to discharge. It is, they are persuaded, upon the wisdom and fortitude of the British parliament, that, under the favour of Divine Providence, must chiefly depend the preservation of what ever is truly valuable in civil scciety, and of all that constitutes the happiness of private life. Actuated by these sentiments, and relying with perfect confidence upon the justice and moderation of your majesty's views, your commons have not hesitated to continue to your majesty that cordial and decided support in the prosecution of the contest, which can alone justify the hope of concluding it by à safe and durable peace.

His Majesty's Speech on opening the
Parliament, Tuesday, Sept. 24.

My Lords and Gentlemen,
I have called you together at

this unusual season, in order to recommend it to you to consider of the propriety of enabling me, without delay, to avail myself, to a fur-. ther extent, of the voluntary services of the militia, at a moment when an increase of our active force abroad may be productive of the most important and beneficial consequences.

We have seen the happy effects of the measure which you adopted on this subject in the last session ; and the forces which I was thereby enabled to employ have already displayed, in the face of the enemy, a courage, discipline, and steadiness, worthy of the character of British soldiers. In the short interval since the close of the last session, our situation and the prospects have, under the blessing of Providence, improved beyond the most sanguine expectation.

The abilities and valour of the commanders and troops of the combined imperial armies have continued to be eminently displayed; the deliverance of Italy may now be considered as secured by the result of a campaign equal in splendour and success to any the most brilliant recorded in history; and I have had the heartfelt satisfaction of seeing the valour of my fleets and armies successfully employed to the assistance of my allies, to the support of our just cause, and to the advancement of the most important interests of the British empire. The kingdom of Naples has been rescued from the French yoke, and restored to the dominion of its lawful sovereign; and my former connections with that power have been renewed.

The French expedition to Egypt has continued to be productive of calamity and disgrace to our enemies; while its ultimate views

against our eastern possessions have been utterly confounded.

The desperate attempt which they have lately made to extricate themselves from their difficulties has been defeated by the courage of the Turkish forces, directed by the skill, and animated by the heroism of a British officer, with a small portion of my naval force under his command; and the overthrow of that restless and perfidious power, who, instigated by the artifices, and deluded by the promises, of the French, had entered into their ambitious and destructive projects in India, has placed the British interests in that quarter of the globe in a state of solid and permanent security. The vigilance, decision, and wisdom of the governor-general in council, on this great and important occasion, and the tried abilities and valour of the commanders, officers and troops employed under his direction, are entitled to my highest praise.

There is, I trust, every reason' to expect that the effort which I am making for the deliverance of the United Provinces will prove successful.

The British arms have rescued from the possession of the enemy the principal port and naval arsenal of the Dutch republic; and although we have to regret the loss of many brave men in a subsequent attack against the enemy, whose position enabled them to obstruct our progress, I have the strongest ground to expect that the skill of my generals, and the determined resolution and intrepidity of my troops, and those of my allies will soon surmount every obstacle; and that the fleet which, under the usurped dominion of France, was destined to co-operate in the invasion of these islands, may speedily,

I trust,

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