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DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES.

rers; and we

i.

TERARY.

VOL. I.

PROSPECTUS.

To avoid the imputation of caprice, which might appear merited by my again presenting myself before the public, after having so recently withdrawn from an establishment, which, for eight years, was honoured by their liberal patronage, I beg leave to state in my justification, that nothing would have induced me to relinquish the Repertory, but the absolute impracticability of conducting the mechanical part of a newspaper establishment,consistently with the circumstances of my family.

Having made an arrangement with Messrs. MUNROE & FRANCIS, which will not be liable to that objection, nor interfere with any periodical publication in this metropolis, or NewEngland, and selected those departments, in which I trust my exertions may be most acceptable to the community, and agreeable to my own pursuits and habits, I now offer to the publick

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"THE BOSTON SPECTATOR, DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES."

BOSTON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 1, 1814.

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umns of his paper pleasant to readers, without their own officers, whenever distinction of party or sex. The few publications the established usages of civi in the eastern states which have assumed this It was from Hume that we character, seem to have been either above, orrible barbarity practised on th below, the general taste; calculated too exclu- after the battle of Culloden. Fr sively for the study or the kitchen. Is it not Fox's orations, as well as from Bi possible to introduce a stranger, who may be we have been taught the enormitit welcome in the parlour? This is my object; and encouraged in India against th and the contributions of the wit, and scholar inhabitants of Hindostan. are earnestly solicited to give variety, ease, Shall America alone furnish no pat. elegance, and interest to a department which is ready to vindicate our nation fi may gratify many, and give offence to none. charge of inhumanity, by showing that The Boston Spectator" will be published well authenticated acts of injustice and b every Saturday, on four large quarto pages, ity on our part, were the acts of individua the original form of the Port Folio;....on hand-cers, and were universally abhorred by the some paper, neat type, and correctly executed, tion at large? at three dollars a year....one dollar and fifty cents to be paid on receiving the first number. JOHN PARK. BOSTON, January, 1814.

POLITICAL.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

Considerations on the present unhappy WAR, in relation to a single point, The Temper with which it has been and is likely to be carried on. DR. PARK,

The Editor deems it unnecessary to designate the character of his politics....it is customary for those of his creed to avow themselves disciples of the immortal WASHINGTON, the father of the American republick. But the VARIOUS charges have been made by our glorious circumstances under which he con- government against that of Great Britain, on ducted our country have passed away.....scarce the subject of the violation of the principles of ly any thing remains by which it can be recog-humanity and of modern warfare, on the part of nized, but its soil.....

"Darkness, clouds, and shadows rest upon it."

The principles of JUSTICE, TRUTH, and The principles of JUSTICE, TRUTH, and COMMON SENSE are however perpetual and unchangeable. By these the Editor will sedulously endeavour to be directed in all his speculations, perfectly convinced that there can be no surer guide to genuine patriotism.

To this he will pledge his hopes of publick approbation; that the excitement of controversy shall never betray him into an a tack on private reputation. Doctrines and measures Safford an ample and interesting field of discussion. Generally speaking, errour, in the abstract,has few self acknowledged votaries; but when personified, and assailed, men's passions marshal a thousand advocates in her cause. Decorum, as well as interest, will restrain the Editor from a desire, in any instance, wantonly to outrage publick opinion, in advancing his own sentiments; but he feels a relief, in prose pect, from temptation to temporize with prejudice, by the consideration that, in this paper, there will be no question of securing advertising patronage.....a dead weight on every ingenuous political writer, the value of whose establishment is affected by such support.

It is not intended to make the " Spectator" a news-paper. Every number will however contain a retrospect or summary of the principal events, which may have occurred, or which may have been announced, in this place, during the previous week. Such a chronological index, it is presumed, may be both amusing and useful.

The editor will employ his utmost exertions to render the literary and miscellaneous col

that nation, and its departure from those established usages which, by common consent, have become a part of the laws of war between all civilized nations. These charges have been on their part recriminated, and we have been held up to the world as having wantonly violated these sacred principles.

Your publication, though principally literary, will, without doubt, be in some degree open to rational political discussions, and it is in my estimation important to the honour of our country, that this question should be fairly and freely discussed.

There can be no doubt that in this case, as in all others of a like nature, very considerable faults are chargeable on both parties. The passions of men, excited by open hostility, inflamed as in this instance by incessant efforts on one side, to produce a deep rancour and spirit of hostility on the other, by a belief, that the war is a wanton violation of the principles of justice, and a determined effort to embarrass Great Britain in her struggle for the liberties of the world, cannot fail to produce frequent deviations from the accustomed rules of honourable warfare.

It ought to be the pride, as it is the duty of honest and intelligent men in each country, to expose and censure any departures from the laws of humane warfare on the part of their own officers.

They alone can do justice to the subject, because the criminations and denunciations of e ch party are supposed to proceed from pare ch party are supposed to proceed from partial and prejudiced views.

Able historians of every nation have been, as it were, the umpires between contending nations, and have bestowed merited censure on

cho

For ourselves we cannot disguise, and w would not conceal the conviction, that the ad ministration which has plunged this devoted nation into an offensive war, have exerted themselves to make the nation forget the enormity and injustice of its origin, by exciting their passions, and by provoking a system of retaliation, which would enlist their passions in a contest at which their sober judgments revolted.

One point must forever be recorded against our rulers. That the first blow was struck by them, and at a moment too, when our relation with Britain led her reasonably to believe that the pacifick measures which she simultaneously adopted, (the repeal of her Orders in Council) would have precluded any pretext for hostility.

It cannot therefore be credited, that she had before prepared a system of Indian warfare, as has been suggested without evidence by our cabinet, at a time, when the whole course of her conduct proves that she expected a speedy and honourable reconciliation.

I propose to consider all the charges mutu ally advanced, and without prejudice or affection, to discuss their merits.

The first one, on our part, was that Britain had employed the savages in her defences I repeat it in defence of her and their own territory.

I do not mean to discuss the question of the propriety of employing "our red brethren," as Mr.Jefferson quaintly and affectedly called them.

This would compel me to show that these then colonies employed them most successfully under Sir Williain Johnston against the French in 1755.

It would compel me to show that the revolutionary congress addressed,invited and employed the Six Nations against G. Britain in 1776. I limit myself to the present war.

Here it cannot be overlooked, and it ought never to be forgotten, that before and at the breaking out of the British war, we were in actual hostility with all the western Indians.

I have anxiously inquired, for the honour and character of our country, of Mr. Quincy and many other members of congress, wher they knew of any just grounds for the invasionof the Indian territory in the autumn preceding the British war. I have been uniformly assur ed that: they not only knew of no such just causes, nor of any authority of Congress for such an invasion, but that they were satisfied there were none.

Yet it is a lamentable and disgraceful fact that our troops advanced into the Indian territory,

Forward

Self-love-Benhabitants, burnt their towns, Close of Lord it as an act of prowess, meritourable. Asylum for de Ancient Scul here to stop, and ask ourselves Reading to are men, and have a claim to the nanity? Are they entitled to their s; and the fruits of their labour, whites have not hitherto wrested Sensibilif? If they have, the invasion by HarMutilatis we understand it was, unprovoked, Convermost barbarous violation of the laws Alexishity ever committed by civilized men. Ventrestern Indians inhabit a territory conto Britain solemnly by our treaty of King They are her subjects. She is bound Epptect them. When Hull invaded their Latory, he appeared to believe that he had Auch right to destroy them, as Livermore 7 Angier, the unhappy convicts, thought they to murder the Indians at Stoneham. Hull, the amiable representative of our cabet, in his proclamation on entering Canada, before one bullet had been fired against us, declared, that if any white man should be taken fighting by the side of an Indian, he should receive no quarter.

This was the first scene of the drama of war. Let us examine it. If it had been true that the Indians never give quarter, it would be no justification in refusing quarter to the whites who admitted and allowed it. But it is on record, in the volume of British outrages published by our government, that the Indians do admit of quarter. Numerous cases are stated of their receiving large sums for the ransom of prisoners. They do not therefore destroy them. Will our friends of the administration be pleased to justify this order of Gen Hull, the very first act in this unjust and dreadful war?

The history of Genghis Khan, Mahomet, Attila, Tamerlane, or Buonaparte, cannot afford a parallel, except it be the murder of the Turks at Jaffa.

So much for this commencement of the system of inhumanity, twelve months before the burning of Havre de Grace, and the pretended rape of an old woman by some French soldiers at Hampton.

It is indeed dreadful to record, in the youth of our republick, such instances of ferocity. "What," as Mr. Fauchet observes, "must be the old age of a country, when its youth is so decrepid?" It is not the nation which is chargeable with this inhumanity. It is an humane, liberal, virtuous nation. The charge rests upon those, whom the Almighty in his displeasure, has been pleased to suffer to be scourges of this people.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

STRENGTH OF OUR GOVERNMENT. THE late chief magistrate of the United States, and his successor now in office, have both had the cruelty to exult, in what they affect to consider the strength of the federal government. The former admitted that doubts had been entertained of its practical energy, but declared that he believed it "the strongest government on earth." Mr. Madison congratulates the country or himself, that, in his hands, it appears to be still acquiring vigour. The reader will observe that the strength, of which our rulers boast, is not that of the nation against foreign powers; but that in which they, unfortunately, feel a much deeper interest; domestick control. It was in this respect, the best friends of our constitution anticipated its imbecility, and surely, on no other account can the executive express a confidence.

plundered them of their property, and at length by fire and carnage threatened their extermination. He lived secure through all his enormi ies, was reelected consul; died a natural death, and was buried with the utmost demonstrations of publick honour.

Was

It is indeed a strong government! The melancholy revolution, which has taken place in the fate of millions, within a short time-the prostration of a whole nation's prosperity, by the giant arm of democracy in power, too unequivocally prove their exultation well founded; or at least, that we are now under a govern- Here was a very strong government. ment of the strongest kind. When was there this, properly speaking, the exercise of the a king, bashaw, or sultan, who ever did, or consular power? No. Sylla was the head of could have done the like, without calling to a faction. He and his party had long strughis aid other resources than his individual pre- gled for the ascendancy with another, scarcely rogative, even in its fullest exercise-without less inhuman. His friends created citizens of having recourse to the very means, which, in every thing, to swell their numbers. He usurpour unhappy republick, have proved so potent? ed power, in defiance of the laws, and when an Search the records of history, it will be found impeachment was moved against him, he enthat to make a nation suffer with impunity, re-gaged in a foreign war, to shun accountability. currence must be had to the resistles sway of This put the military power under his control, popular prejudice and faction. No man, ac- which he eventually employed to glut his own quainted with human nature, will deny, that a vengeance, and to gratify the blood-thirsty haDOMINANT FACTION in any country, may carry tred of his murderous partizans. into practice, a system of despotism, more complete and effectual than that of the most absolute monarch.

Could the king of Great Britain, availing himself of his utmost authority, compel his subjects to experience such a scene of sudden privation, as we Americans h ve felt? We agree with Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, he could not. He has been obliged to make a treaty, against his convictions of justice and national policy, because his people, excited by demagogues, were uneasy at a supposed injury to their interests, and insisted on an immediate peace. They soon found their error-but until their caprice was indulged, the legal depositary of sovereignty was not strong enough to hold its course. Could' Louis the Fourteenth, the most powerful monarch ever seated on throne of France, have deluged the cities of his own empire, in the blood of their citizenscould he tear the husband from the wife-the father from the son, and doom them to the block ;—or despatch thousands in a day, by the guillotine? No-but Robespierre could do it, or whatever was called "the government," while the representative of a ferocious, triumphant faction. Bonaparte can lead on three hundred thousand Frenchmen to perish in Russia, in the cause of his, and the nation's ambition; but in the mere exercise of his imperial will, even he durst not order five thousand Frenchmen to be butchered in France; to rid himself even of one obnoxious individual of distinction, he has first to gain currency for some popular pretext. But "the government" of '92, and the two following years, could set up murder as a national trade, and boast, as well as our Presidents, of their energy. If a few military despots have gone far in tyrannizing over the happiness and lives of their subjects, they have either effected it, by inflaming religious or political fanaticism, and thus becoming its instrument; or their career has been short, and death, by violence, has proved their government insecure and weak.

It may illustrate the fact announced by our formidable President, and show how far we have reason to rejoice in what gives him so much satisfaction, to review some of the prominent features of strength in government, when, like ours, it has been employed to make the governed miserable. It will show us the alarming nature of this state of our country, and teach us to expect, at least as possible, I think not improbable, calamities still more degrading and distressing than any we have yet undergone.

The last Consul of Republican Rome was Sylla; and a greater tyrant has seldom scourged mankind. He denounced his fellow citizens,

After the death of Cæsar, Oc'avius became the head of a political party. He triumphed, and proscription ensued, followed by the massacre of Rome's best citizens. Out of faction grew a despotism, which at last established tranquillity, by exterminating, at once, opposi tion and liberty. But when Augustus ceased to act as a partizan, proscriptions and violence soon subsided.

During the long list of Roman emperors, we see no instance of the strength of government like these They sometimes tyrannized over a few individuals, but even, in such cases, generally paid for their impotent cruelty, by the forfeiture of their lives. The empire sunk into misery, and at last perished, by the gradual progress of ignorance, and vice. The most striking instances of strength, which the government exhibited in domestick control, were the series of persecutions against the Christians, in which popular fanaticism, as is usual, never spared its victims. Emperours could then show their energy, for they used the only means by which a large portion of the people can be distressed and ruined with impunity.

It would be tedious to trace this principle through modern history, to the present time. Whoever has leisure to examine, will find, that in whatever hands, power is lodged, it never can be strong in producing distress, without appealing from constitutional authority to popular fury.

In at

Our constitution was in its nature, a weal one. The apprehensions of its friends-friends, as it was the best we could have-were just, and have been too truly realized. The incessant recurrence of elections-the right of suffrage extended to so large a portion of popula tion, of that kind which can easily be deluded or bought, foreboded the evil which would ruin our republick-the rise and triumph of faction. Washington commenced the federal an immense weight of administration with personal influence, which, at this day, few dare say was not employed to strengthen and secure the government. Faction, however, soon appeared, and grew stronger every year tempting to enforce certain laws, he lost much of his popularity. In suppressing rebellion, he found that all rebels in heart were by no It will not be said by those means in arms. who boast of the present strength of govern ment, that, during Mr. Adams's administration, he did not go to the extent of constitutional limits, to invigortate the government, and humble opposition. One circumstance alone, among a thousand, will shew, that the inherent strength of the constitution was at an end. A tax was levied, a light tax too, for national purposes of defence,and has not been collected to this day! The government surely must have desired the

money, but they durst not command it! To conciliate the party which had now grown too mighty for the constituted authorities to manage, our little army was disbanded-part of our navy was sold-every measure showed, that those who composed the government, found there was a power, not yet in office, which bound their hands, and would soon be absolute.

Mr. Jefferson came into administration with a party breathing resentment and vengeance. They had gained their point. They had obtained a majority of partizans in the country. Proscription was begun, and it has continued with unrelenting and augmenting fury to this day.

How "government" as our rulers call them selves, came to be so powerful now, will be a subject of future consideration.

GENERAL REGISTER.

Kutuzoff, of acting upon the French lines, in detail, and thus force Bonaparte to leave his favourable position, in Dresden, and then give him battle in such a situation, as shall seem most favourable to themselves-a circumstance which will be new, in the history of his whole military_campaigns.

The French force remaining in the southeast of SPAIN, does not exceed 40,000, at Tarragona, under Suchet. These are kept in check, by the force lately under Lord William Bentick.

On the southwestern frontier of France, there are about 46,000, principally newly raised, unexperienced troops, under Soult.

Lord WELLINGTON is at St. Jean de Luz, and commands a well appointed army of from 60 to 80,000 men. Pampeluna, in his rear, is garrisoned by French troops, but is expected

soon to surrender.

Such is the present state of the contest. In addition to this, various accounts mention that Bavaria has declared for the allies. If so, it is certain the Saxons will follow, particularly if BOSTON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 1, 1814. Bonaparte retreats from Dresden. Denmark

is likewise soon expected to join the common cause, from her frequent communications, of late, with England.

INSTEAD of filling this paper with detailed accounts, which will have previously appeared in the publick journals, it is my intention, in this part of the Spectator, to present my read-the ers a summary, every Saturday, recapitulating

the news of the preceding week.

This being the first number, I have no retrospect to offer; but shall give a view of the existing state of things, most interesting to the publick, at the point of time, when, to use a seaman's term, I take my departure. STATE OF THE ARMIES IN EUROPE.

It is known that Bonaparte, whose sway has been some time on the decline, though yet dangerous to the civilized world, has entered Germany, with an intention to strike a blow, which shall put Europe under his feet. Most of the continental powers, as well as Great Britain, are in active opposition to defend their independence. By the latest accounts, it appears that the following is the situation, and as nearly as can be collected, the force of the respective armies in GERMANY.

BONAPARTE is at Dresden, in person, with an army of 200,000 men. His reserve is at Frankfort, on the Mayne, with a force of 100,000, commanded by Kellerman. The Viceroy of Italy is between the Tyrolese country and Trieste, at the head of 100,000 more. This may be considered the strength of the French imperial armies, amounting to about 400,000 men, though French papers rate them higher. His right wing, lately in Silesia, has been driven back by Gen. Blucher, who has advanced to Bautzen, but twenty-eight miles from Dresden. His centre is at Dresden. His left is upon Hamburgh, on the lower Elbe, under Davoust. Of the ALLIED FORCES, 200,000 are in Bohemia, commanded by the king of Prussia The Silesian army, consisting of 100,000, under Blucher, is at Bautzen; to which is attached 80,000 men, under Benningsen. Dessau, in Upper Saxony, about 75 miles north west of Dresden, is Bernadotte, with 100,000, who is said to have crossed the Elbe, at four points, to intercept Davoust from the main French army; which accounts for Bonaparte's concentrating his forces upon Leipsic, and drawing his reserve towards Westphalia, evidently to support Davoust. If the allies press forward, a great and decisive battle may be expected, unless Bonaparte retreats to the Rhine. It is obviously the intention of the allies to pursue the plan, successfully adopted by

At

WAR IN AMERICA. General Wilkin

son's army, consisting of about 3,000, is at French mills, forty miles from Montreal. General Hampton's army is at Plattsburgh,

and consists of fifteen hundred men!! The British are above Montreal; their force is not known, but as they are but a few miles from the French mills, we may expect soon to be better informed.

CONGRESS are in session. They have already produced an embargo law, which has given the coup de grace to the remains of our War has been considered the greatest of evils-it will soon be discovered that domestick tyranny is worse, and that the United States are hurried on to ruin by both,

commerce.

united.

A system of monstrous rigour in the treatment of prisoners of war, is now in operation, between the British and our own government, which threatens, in the event, the death of every captive on either side. See Remarks on this subject-first page.

PORTSMOUTH.

The fire in Portsmouth, on the 22nd of December, consumed about three hundred and fifty buildings. The number of sufferers, by this calamity will appear to many, even liberal persons, as an appalling claim upon their charity. They will be struck with the idea, that there is so much to be done, they cannot afford to do their part, and may therefore be deterred from contributing any. The extent of the distress, however, appears great in this instance, only because it is a rare occurrence. The objects, to be relieved, bear no proportion to the numbers, who are so happy as to have something to bestow. Let the heaven born emotion of compassion be general, and their wants of nature may be readily supplied; it is by the diffusive influence of the principle of benevolence, that its duties become light. Let all, who hear of this melancholy event, and are within the sphere of aid, do what they can, consistently with discretion, and enough will be done to relieve. To enrich the unhappy sufferers is not expected. To feed, clothe, and protect them from the inclemency of the season is practicable. If the community cordially engage in it, it will certainly be accomplished.

A committee was chosen in this town, on Thursday, for the purpose of receiving and

transmitting money to the sufferers; and we wish them every possible secess.

MISCELLANEOUS ANI LITERARY.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTOR. STYLE.

LANGUAGE and letters are the means by which knowledge is communicatd, and they have no other value. The advantages derived from them is great, in proportion a the knowledge they convey is interesting. If these simple and obvious positions were always kept in mind, a passion for style, would ever supersede that attention which is due to the thought it is to impart. A man would certainly be suspected as weak or derangel, who would spend his time and his money to lay out and beautify a garden, wracking his invention about the order of his beds and avenues, if after all, he raised nothing but weeds, which grew along every hedge.

In our young country, it must be acknowledged that two very great mistakes prevail, and are seeming to grow with our growth. One is, that words are of more consequence than ideas; and another, that language is elegant in proportion to its extravagance. This is not the character of our academick exercises

merely the productions of youth are generally marked by this double errour, in all countries, and all ages. But many of our publick documents, from the pens of gentlemen mature in years, and high in rank-the greater part of our anniversary orations, with which the press is constantly teeming-official despatchesspeeches in congress-political pamphlets, magazines and newspapers, are rendered almost unintelligible, by their mock sublimity. If a general is about to attack a few Indian wigwams, he announces his purposes in a disgusting attempt at the style of Milton's battle of the angels.

Our national character has suffered much by this foppery of words. It is a serious injury to ourselves, and it makes us ridiculous abroad. It ought to be boldly stigmatized as the evidence of a corrupt and vulgar taste, both in the author and those whom it gratifies. It is a foolish waste of labour; for if half the pains were taken to produce correct sentiment, which are expended in tricking out shallow conceits, in the fashion, writers would be better informed; the publick would receive more instruction, and our reputation would rise among foreign criticks.

It is certainly somewhat singular, that a young gentleman, who has spent years at the university, where he must have learned to admire the simplicity and purity of the ancients, should display so little advantage from his studies, when they are completed, as to accommodate his style of writing to the rage for fustian. He should remember that popularity, in this respect, is no compliment to his talents; and if he possess a laudable ambition, he will prefer the durable praise of the sensible few, to the unmeaning plaudits of a mixed assembly; he will value the approbation of him who commends because he does understand, rather than of him who admires because he does not. If the term patriotism, were not so hacknied, as scarcely to convey any idea, and perhaps excite disgust, I would say, that from patriotism, he ought to guard against sacrificing to false criticism. A very competent judge, himself an elegant writer, speaking of such productions as are frequent among us, says " A bad taste seizes, with avidity these frivolous beauties. They multiply every day more and more, in the fashionable compositions. Nature and

good sense are nglected; laboured ornainents studied and dmired; and a total degeneracy of style and language prepares the way for barbarism and gnorance."

A man who thinks clearly, and who has been tolerably familiar with standard works, in the language he would use, need not be anxious about his style. Indeed Voltaire, who is the best writer France ever produced, seems to consider strong conceptions alone, all that is

necessary.

"Qui pense fortement, parle de même." "He who thinks vigorously, speaks so too." But experience proves that this aphorism cannot be admitted without qualification.

Perhaps I cannot conclude these remarks with better effect, than by giving a specimen of that absurdity which degrades too many of our literary productions. I shall not take the newspaper essay of an imported patriot, nor the speech of a Kentucky member of congressbut quote a passage from a book, an octavo volume of respectable size, and by an author, who, when he published, was no less than the governour of South Carolina. It is entitled, "A View of South Carolina, as respects her natural and civil concerns." ! ! The title is odd enough, but the manner in which this philosopher describes some of the "natural concerns" of the state is superb.

"For quantity of water, and grandeur of appearance, perhaps the Catawba Falls are the most interesting of any in this state. They are situated a little, above Rocky Mount; and the approach to them is over hills, which line the sides of the river. On either side the rocks are piled up in a wall of many feet high, and hills rising above them, in sharp conical summits, nod over the rupture below. Now the Catawba is arrested in its course, and from a width of one hundred and eighty yards, this river is forced by the hill, and the rocks on either side to shoot down the gulph, in a channel of only sixty five yards wide. Collecting its waters, impetuous and noisy, it thunders down the falls; tumbling over massy rocks, and foaming from shore to shore; wheeling its large whirlpools, and glancing from rock to rock with maddening fury. Nor ceasing its troubled waves, until it has overleaped twenty falls, in the distance of two and a half miles; and has precipitated from a depth of ninety feet. Here below Rocky Mount it begins to subside; and spreads over a channel three hundred and eighteen yards wide; but it is not composed. For miles below, rocks are scattered in its way at times irritating its waters, and provoking the rapidity of its stream. So a proud and haughty disposition cannot bear control; but rushes onward, with unabating violence, scorning all opposition which is surmountable. Repossessing its tranquillity by slow degrees, and becoming again incensed with whatever rises in its way."

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

STONES FROM THE CLOUDS. THOUGH the fall of stones from no one knows what region, to the earth, is a fact well established by abundant testimony, afforded within a few years, some are yet incredulous, because, say they, natural phenomena have a regular, uniform course; and it would be singular, after men have traversed the face of the globe, near six thousand years in security, that they should now be in danger of having their skulls broken, by showers of stones from the clouds. The objection is rather humorous than forcible, for history proves it is no novelty.

Diogenes Laertius, Plutarch, Pliny, and several others mention, that about 420 years before

Christ, stones fell from the heavens, by the river Egos, in Thrace. That they were of a burnt colour, and (as has been the case in modern instances) were attended with the appearance of a comet. The Peloponnesians obtained one of them, and preserved it a long time, with the greatest reverence. One was kept at the school of Abydus, and either the same or another was the subject of admiration at Potidea. The prevailing opinion was, that they came from the sun. Pliny, the philosopher, did not believe this; though he, as well as our naturalists, was unable to propose any satisfactory theory, on the subject. He says "The knowledge of natural causes is destroyed, and all things confused, if it be believed, either that the sun is a stone, or that there ever were stones in it, though there would be no room to doubt of their frequent fall."

POETRY.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

THE MESSAGE "ELUCIDATED."
MY fellow-citizens, I would premise,
While I express my sorrow and surprise,
That you must yield all further expectation
From that just ground, the Russian mediation;
Though you can't doubt what I again impart,
That peace is still the object of my heart.

This said, I now may boast the glorious slaughter,
Accomplish'd by our arms on land and water.
The navy, true, is not of our creation,
Its sons indeed have felt our execration;
Yet these have proudly triumph'd o'er their fate;
They have preserv'd our sinking ship of state.
Then let us use them in a cause so good,
And praise their noble waste of human blood.

On land our arms do not so much excel;
But on the whole, they have done-pretty well.
Near that cold region call'd the Uppermost,
We have regain'd the wilderness, we lost;
And Harrison's recovery of Detroit,
May well be call'd a grand—a grand exploit ;
Also the British army that he captur'd,
At this affair we ought to feel enraptur'd ;
For, truly, judging from what had been done,
'Twas doubtful which would beat, though five to one,
I say it was an "honourable” feat,
Quite "signal"—yes, I think 'twas "signal," great.
As to our army's last grand expedition,
Which was commenc'd in such elate condition;
It has not ended just as we surmis'd,
Our hopes have not quite all been realiz❜d.
But, making every just allowance due,
Taking the "circumstances” into view,
By whom conducted and by whom projected,
"Tis quite as well as could have been expected!
And as to Canada, it now appears

It may be ours in-some few hundred years!
The enemy, in turn, have made some pillage,
Plund'ring sometimes a town and then a village;
Yet still our honour's safe, as I intended,
They've only ravag'd places" not defended."
And come what may, I still can make this boast,
Should they lay waste three quarters of our coast,
How few would thus provoke a giant-foe,
And stand unguarded to sustain his blow.
They threaten now our cities,- -let them burn.;
We'll place the ashes in bright honour's urn.
Should they come here, I'd not regard the thing,
But Gales, poor fellow, might be caught and swing!
He shall not swing, I heed not threats a feather;
Or, if they please—we'll all be hang'd together.
What greater love of country can be shown,
Than thus to die for those, who fy their oCHN

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For genuine patriotism always fights,
And dies, not for its own but others' rights.
But he, who ne'er was fix'd to any spot,
Can feel no ties to that, which he has not.
Hence vagabonds are privileg`d alone
To live on others; like the pamper'd drone,
Who flies at large, and wheresoe'er he 'lights
Kindles a war, to guard his precious rights.

Such is th' establish'd law of natur❜lization,
And this the law too of the British nation;
This I declare-you may believe or not,
I care not for assertions now ajot;
But know full well the art of boldly stating,
And study that, which is most aggravating.
Still I'm for peace, you must believe it still;
My bosom is in truth a milky rill,
Flowing with human kindness and sweet charity;
I hate all savages and their barbarity;
'Tis British venom, now well understood,
Which works such fury in their Indian blood;
For in our service they are mild as love,
The savage chang'd into the gentle dove.
"Just" are my views, thus free from all partiality,
Let Britain emulate my liberality.

Th' affairs with France are scarcely worth digression,
But I'll amuse you with a new expression;
I'll speak no more of" changing the relation,"
But say there has been no " elucidation."

The reins of the militia, understand,
You'll please to put entirely in my hand.
And for the Emperor's accommodation,
I would propose a mutual regulation
Regarding cruisers; such as he may choose,
To" correspond" precisely with his views.

Who prizes honour, never thinks of cost;
What we have gain'd, what lives and millions lost,
Are topicks scarcely worth the talking o'er;
As to the cash, we want a great deal more!

You can't conceive how brisk and how elate
I feel to view our country's prosperous state.
War is an evil, yet you'll understand

It is a sort of blessing to our land.

We have much wealth, it is to be presum'd,
In military stores-not yet consum'd;
Loose powder, which our army sav'd, when beaten,
Oats, flour, and salt provisions-not yet eaten.
This war will teach what "burthens" men can bear,
And "force of government"-how "free" they are.
Their wants will set their wits to work, no doubt,
Those who can't make their clothes-must go without.
We must not estimate cheap bargains lost,
But value things by the high price they cost.
E'en half a loaf, as poet Jones would sing,
In time of famine is a precious "thing."
Not that 'tis richer food to those who eat it,
But that it costs more toil and pains to get it.
Merchants may now shear sheep, turn homespun dra-

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