CHAP. III.

Summary of the Debates in the British Parliament on the Subject of an Union.

THE confident and sanguine disposition of the British minister induced him to prognosticate a speedy success to the project of an union with Ireland; and he prepared, with his usual eagerness, to develope his plan of incorporation. In compliance with his advice, when the parliament of Great-Britain, after a short adjournment, re-assembled on the 22d of January, a message from the sovereign was delivered to the peers by lord Grenville, recommending an union in the following terms:

His majesty is persuaded, that the unremitting industry with which our enemies persevere in their avowed design of effecting the separation of Ireland from this kingdom cannot fail to engage the particular attention of parliament; and his majesty recommends it to this house to consider of the most effectual means of counteracting and finally defeating this design; and he trusts that a review of all the circumstances which have recently occurred (joined to the sentiments of mutual affection and common interest) will dispose the parliaments of both kingdoms to provide, in the manner which they fhall judge most expedient, for settling such a complete and final adjustment as may best tend to improve and perpetuate a connexion essential to their common security, and to augment and consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire.'.

This message being twice read pro formâ, lord Gren ville proposed that it should be taken into consideration on the ensuing day, and that, in compliment to the importance of the communication, the lords should be summoned. The house readily agreed to both motions.

A similar message, on the same day, was presented to the commons by Mr. Dundas, who moved that it should be considered on the morrow. Mr. Sheridan immediately rose, and, while he declared his concurrence in the general sentiments which the message conveyed, he expressed his apprehensions of the danger which might arise from the discussion of particular points of union in the present state of affairs. He wished for the restoration of cordial harmony between Great-Britain and Ireland, but thought that a precipitate agitation of the proposed question might be fatal to the prosperity, perhaps to the existence, of both realms. He therefore could not join in any address which might pledge the house to enter into a speedy investigation of the subject. Mr. Pitt replied, that the address which the house would be desired to vote would merely contain sentiments which every man who wished well to the interests of the two countries would be ready to adopt. On what solid grounds such an address could be opposed he could not easily conjecture; nor did the observations which he had heard strike him as being perfectly respectful to his majesty. He did not wish to press the affair prematurely full time, he said, would be allowed for deliberate inquiry and patient examination.-When Mr. Sheridan had disclaimed intentional disrespect, and had again deprecated the discussion of the subject, the secretary's motion received the assent of the house. On the following day, lord Grenville moved for the

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consideration of the message; but no debate occurred ; and the peers merely voted an address which was brought forward by that nobleman, thanking his majesty for his gracious communication, and assuring him that they would maturely deliberate on the subject recommended to their notice, and promote any adjustment which might appear to be necessary for the support and consolidation of the general interests of the British empire.

In the house of commons, Mr. Dundas, when he moved for an address of thanks, in answer to the royal message proposing the consideration of an union, observed that it was unnecessary for him to dwell on the subject at that time, as a future day would be appointed for the full discussion of it.

The address was scarcely read, when Mr. SHERIDAN called the attention of the house to the ideas which had arisen in his mind in this early stage of the business. A final adjustment, he said, was proposed; and no explanations were given with regard to the failure of the last solemn adjustment between the countries. What was then deemed final was now considered in a contrary light by the ministers; but, before the commencement of the proposed investigation, they ought to prove that the last agreement had not been productive of that cordial association and unity which it was thought would result from it. There was the stronger reason to expect this mode of proceeding, when the declaration of the Irish parliament in 1782* was

recol

*We beg leave to represent to his majesty, that his fubjects of Ireland are entitled to a free constitution; that the imperial crown of Ireland is inseparably annexed to the crown of Great-Britain, on which connexion the happiness of both nations essentially depends; but that the kingdom of Ireland is a distinct dominion, having a parliament of

recollected. The British legislature having acquiesced

in this declaration, no other basis of connexion ought to be adopted. The people of Ireland, who cherished the pleasing remembrance of that period when independence came upon them as it were by surprise, when the genius of freedom rested upon their island, would come to this second adjustment with a temper which would 'augur not tranquillity but disquietude, not prosperity but calamity, not the suppression of treason, but the extension and increase of plots to multiply and ensanguine its horrors.'

It might be deemed informal, he said, to enter into this discussion on the mere proposal of an address of thanks; but he was not sensible of any impropriety of conduct on the occasion. He feared that the ground on which he stood was ticklish and dangerous, and that his mòtives were liable to misinterpretation from the licentious few, and to misapprehension from the ignorant many. But there were topics on which silence would be unworthy of the majesty of truth, and would misbecome a man enamoured of free discussion, who wished to act as the supporter of general liberty.

My country,' he emphatically said, has claims upon me which I am not more proud to acknowlege than ready to liquidate, to the full measure of ability.'

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There was a time when it would have been intimated to him, that to agitate in this house any question relative to the affairs of Ireland would be an encroachment

her own, the sole legislature thereof: that there is no power whatsoever competent to make laws to bind this nation, except the king, lords, and commons, of Ireland; upon which exclusive right of legislation we consider the very essence of our liberties to depend, a right which we claim as the birth-right of the people of Ireland, and which we are determined, in every situation of life, to assert and maintain.'

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on the rights of the parliament of that country; and that such an insult to the dignity of that body, and to its competence of legislation, might inflame that quick spirit of independence, which the sister kingdom knew how to express, and had ever appeared both able and ready to infuse, into a system of ardent intrepid opposition to every act of ulterior domination. But, at the present time, when the question involved the independence and even the existence of the Irish parliament, he did not suppose that any speaker would have recourse to such an argument. Perhaps it might be said, that he ought not to draw into discussion topics which tended to excite discontent, by being closely interwoven with the events of a recent period of distrac tion and danger; and that he ought to consider the present state of Ireland before he should discuss such intricate and delicate interests as those which the king's message embraced. But he might rather say, that the ministers ought to have observed these rules before they brought forward a measure which might prove so hazardous in the execution. He could see the possible danger of increasing the discontent of the people of Ireland. An intriguing ambitious enemy might take advantage of the crisis; and factious spirits at home might seise it as a conjuncture favorable to the success of their wild and visionary projects. These dangers could only be apprehended from a violation of the rights and the independence of Ireland. But, whatever might be the consequences of the present scheme, he was disposed to give credit to ministers for purity of intention. He could not suspect that they would propose a measure which they believed would ultimately cause a sepaFation of Ireland from this country. They could not but think it necessary to the prosperity of the empire