innovation seeks to propagate amidst the ruins of empires, the demolition of the altars of all religion, the destruction of every venerable, and good, and liberal institution, under whatever form of polity they have been raised; and this, in spite of the dissenting reason of men, in contempt of that lawful authority which, in the settled order, superior talents and superior virtues attain, crying out to them not to enter on holy ground, nor to pollute the stream of eternal justice ;-admonishing them of their danger, whilst, like the genius of evil, they mimic their voice, and, having succeeded in drawing upon them the ridicule of the Nulgar, close their day of wickedness and savage triumph with the massacre and waste of whatever is amiable, learned, and pious, in the districts they have over-run. Whilst the principles avowed by France, and acted upon so wildly, held their legitimate place, confined to the circles of a few ingenious and learned men ;-whilst these men continued to Occupy those heights which vulgar minds could not mount;—whilst they contented themselves with abstract inquiries concerning the laws of matter or the progress of mind, it was pleasing to regard them with respect; for, while the simplicity of the man of genius is preserved untouched, if we will not pay homage to his eccentricity, there is, at least, much in it to be admired. Whilst these principles were confined in that way, and had not yet bounded over the common sense and reason of mankind, we saw nothing in them to alarm, nothing to terrify; but their appearance in arms changed their character. We will not leave the monster to prowl the world unopposed. He must cease to annoy the abode of peaceful men. If he retire into the cell, whether of solitude or repentance, thither we will not pursue him; but we cannot leave him on the throne of power.

t I shall now give some farther instances of the confusion of the honourable gentleman's ideas. He says, that the French repubblic and liberty cannot exist together: therefore, as a friend to liberty, he cannot be a friend to France. Yet he tells us almost in the same breath, that he will not vote for any thing that does not tend to secure the liberties of that country, though, to give

him the benefit of his own proposition, not to wish the overthrow of France is not to wish for the preservation of English liberty. Indeed, he says, he will vote nothing for the purpose of overthrowing that tyranny, or, as he very strangely adds, the rights and liberties of others—the rights and liberties of France! But how will the gentleman maintain his character for consistency, while he will not vote for any measure that seeks to overthrow the power of a government, in the contemplation of which he has discovered a guìph in his mind between the ideas of its existence and the existence of liberty? It never, however, entered his mind to say that he made the overthrow of the French republic the sine quá non.

Here another example arises of that confusion of ideas into which, contrary to his usual custom, the honourable gentleman has fallen this evening:-he says he is one of those who think, that a republic in France is not contrary to the safety of other countries, and not incongruous to the state of France itself. How strange is this! whilst we have it from the honourable gentleman, that liberty and the French republic cannot exist together. I am ready to say, that if the republican regimen was characterized by the sobriety of reason, affording nourishment, strength, and health to the members of the community; if the government was just and unambitious, as wisdom and sound policy dictate; if order reigned in her senates, morals in the private walk of life, and in their public places there were to be found the temples of their God, supported in dignity, and resorted to with pious awe and strengthening veneration by the people, there would be in France the reality of a well-regulated state, under whatever denomination, but obruit mule partum, male retentum, male gcstum imperium. Whilst republican France continues what it is, then I make war against republican France; but if I should see any chance of the return of a government that did not threaten to endanger the existence of other governments, far be it from me to breathe hostility to it. I must first see this change of fortune to France and to Europe make its progress with rapid and certain steps, before I relax in the

assertion of those rights, which, dearer to Britons than all the world, because by them better understood and more fully enjoyed, are the common property, the links of union of the regular governments of Europe. I must regard as an enemy, and treat as such, a government which is founded on those principles of universal anarchy, and frightful injustice, which, sometimes aukwardly dissembled, and sometimes insolently avowed, but always destructive, distinguish it from every other government of Europe.

The motion passed without a division.

THE House afterwards resolved itself into a committee of Ways and Means, Mr. Bragge in the chair;-when

MR. PITT addressed the committee as follows:

SIR,-As the discussion of the objects to which your attention is now directed, has on a former occasion occupied in a considerable degree the minds of gentlemen, it will not be necessary for me to dwell on them now at any great length. Some articles are new, but the principal are fresh in the recollection of gentlemen. It is, however, my duty to recapitulate the supplies, and to lay before the committee the ways and means to which I intend to have recourse to provide for the expenditure: and if I have before previously felt myself justified in asserting with confidence the flourishing state of our resources, it is at present not less a matter of consolation to us, than we before derived from the prosperous situation of affairs in general. I shall begin with recapitulating the different heads, under which the articles of supply are usually classed.

Gentlemen will recollect, in stating the article of service which first presents itself, and which I had to notice last December, under the head of the navy, that it amounted to 10,920,000l. The ordinaries in that branch of the public service were then calculated at 693,000l, the extaordinaries at 729,000l. and the

transport service at 1,300,000l.; so that the estimate, with a small addition which afterwards took place, amounted to a sum total of 13,653,000l. for the year 1799. The only variation which I have now to make in this branch, is a statement which I am confident the committee will hear with considerable satisfaction. The estimate was formed before it could be judged with precision how far the calculation of 71. per man per month would be sufficient to answer the object proposed. But it appears, on making up the accounts to the 31st of last December, that there has been a diminution and saving of no less importance than 903,000l. in that article. I have also to observe, that we have now the additional advantage of taking a view of the present year, when nearly six months of it have elapsed. The accounts are made out, and from the experience which we have already had, I am justified in stating prospectively, that a farther saving of 500,000!. may be expected in the course of the year. I am therefore to deduct these two sums of 903,000l. being a diminution of the navy debt, and of 500,000l. which is expected to be saved, and we shall have the total sum of the supply to answer every exigency of this important branch of national exertion at 12,250,000l. being less by 1,403,000l. than the estimate furnished in December. There may also arise circumstances to alter this statement; but the committee will see that I proceed on sure and cautious grounds.

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The next article of supply which it is my duty to notice, is the army; and I have to remark, that no alteration is to be proposed with respect to the sums voted in December in the committee of supply, on the estimates then furnished, making a total amount of 8,840,000l. I also stated at that time a vote of credit for one million, and the extraordinaries for 1799, as not likely to exceed two millions. It affords me peculiar satisfaction to be able to inform the committee, that the estimate then made was well founded. But with a view to employ to advantage any offensive force, as opportunities may occur, I propose that the estimate of the army extraordinaries may

be increased to two millions and a half, which will give a total sum of 12,340,000l.

The estimate under the head of ordnance stood in December at 1,570,000l.; and there is no necessity to make any alteration in it at present.

The charge for miscellaneous services under the head of plantation estimates remains as it was stated in December, at 600,000l.

The interest due to the bank on exchequer bills and treasury bills amounted to 565,180l. but it is now 100,000l. less. I am also to notice the deficiency of ways and means, and shall state the specific items, in order to enable gentlemen to form a balance between the different statements. The discount on the prompt payment of the loan was stated at 211,000l. and that on exchequer bills, in 1798, at 300,000l. However, the general deficiency of ways and means may be taken at 500,000l. It will be observed that I take credit for the assessed taxes, the voluntary contributions, and the tax on imports and exports. The whole sum was estimated at seven millions and a half; but the produce was only seven millions, and there is consequently a deficiency of 500,000l. The product of the assessed taxes was nearly four millions, and the voluntary contributions, without including India, produced two millions. But it is impossible for us to pass over those generons exertions of public spirit, without feeling and expressing the deep and lasting sentiments of gratitude, to which they have so distinguished and honourable a claim. It is with the pride of patriotic exultation that we must ever recollect those exertions which were made in the moment of great and pressing difficulties, and when the weight of the assessd taxes operated against the liberality from which they sprung. It is also, Sir, a subject of infinite satisfaction to me to state to the committee, that no distance of place, however remote, that no circumstances, however embarrassing, have prevented Englishmen from assisting their country in the hour of danger. The army and the navy, alike impressed with a conviction of the justice