caments made by the latter in his work entitled Al-kulliyyát.49-xxxIV. An inquiry into the various metaphysical questions which occur in the work entitled Ash-shefá, by Ibn Síná.50 xxxv. An inquiry on time. 5xxxvi. A discourse on the stupidity of those who oppose philosophy, and the proofs it affords in favour of the existence of matter, together with a discourse showing that what Aristotle said on the subject was a manifest truth.52-xxxvii. A discourse, being a critique upon Abú 'Alí Ibn Síná because he divided beings into powerful absolutely and powerful by their essence, necessary independently and necessary by their essence.53 -XXXVIII. A discourse on the temperament of bodies, being questions on the intermittent fever.54-xxxIx. A discourse on putrid fevers, being a series of questions on science.55—XL. A discourse on the motions of the sphere.56-XLI. A work on those passages of the posterior analytics by Aristotle with which Abú Nasr found fault when he opposed the order and the rules of the demonstrations and definitions.57-XLII. A discourse on the antidote.58

V. The Life of Ibn Joljol, fo. 137.

Abú Dáúd Suleymán Ibn Hossán, known by the surname of Ibn Joljol,' was an eminent physician, well versed in the knowledge of diseases and the medicaments required for

الدوا في كتاب مراجعات و مباحث بين ابي بكر بن طفيل و بين ابن رشد في رسمه لموسوم بالكليات

كتاب في الفحص عن مسايل وقعت في العلم الالهي في كتاب الشفاء لابن سينا مسيلة في الزمان

تبيين

مقالة في فسنح شبهه من اعترض علي الحكم و برهانه في وجود المادة الاولي و ان برهان ارسطو طاليس هو الحق المبين مقالة في الرد علي ابي علي ابن سينا في تقسيمه الموجودات الي ممكن علي الاطلاق و ممکن بذاته واجب بغيره و الي واجب بذاته

مقالة في المزاج مسالة فـي نـوايـب الحـمـي

مقالة في حركات الفلك .

حميات العفن مسايل في الحكمة في مقالة

كتاب فيما خالف ابو نصر لارسطوطاليس في كتاب البرهان من ترتيبه و قوانين

البراهين و الحدود

مقالة في الترياق

The word joljol in Arabic means a sort of bell. See Note 109, p. 443. Casiri has frequently treated ابن جلجل

of Ibn Joljol, whom he calls Ebn Giolgol, making him at times a native of Valencia, at others of Cordova. (See Bib. Ar. Hisp. Esc. vol. i. p. 437, and vol. ii. pp. 101, 137.) Conde (Hist. de la Dom. vol. i. p. 543) mentions him under the name of Ben Golghal. I find also that the late De Sacy has given his life in the Appendix to his Relation de l'Egypte par Abdallatif, Medecin Arabe de Baghdad, Paris, 1810.

their cure. He lived in the times of Hishám Al-muyad-billah, whose physician he was. He also paid great attention to the analysis of simples, and the discovery of their several properties. He wrote a commentary on the books of Dioscorides Anazarbæus, wherein he described every one of the simples of which the Greek physician had given the names, explaining at the same time, with much clearness and precision, their qualities and their use as medicaments, tearing the veil and dissipating the obscurity in which most of them were formerly enveloped. In the preface to his work, Ibn Joljol says as follows:

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5

"The books of Dioscorides were first translated from the Greek into Arabic by Estefan, son of Basil3 the interpreter, who completed his task at Baghdád during the reign of "the 'Abbasí Khalif Ja'far Al-mutewakkel. Honeyn, son of Is'hák, then corrected the "version made by Estefan, and purged it from the errors it contained. Having afterwards "substituted Arabic for such of the Greek names as had been suffered to remain for "want of the translator knowing their equivalent in Arabic, he gave his work to the public. "Such names of simples, however, as Honeyn found without an equivalent in Arabic he left in "the Greek language, trusting that God would send after him people acquainted with their properties, and who would give them names, since it is an ascertained fact that simples "receive only their nomenclature either through the common consent of the people of a country, who have observed their properties and the effects they produce, or by derivation, or otherwise, but always by a sort of mutual consent. Estefan, therefore, trusted that "there would come after him other naturalists, who, being acquainted with the properties of "medicaments, the names of which in Arabic were unknown in his time, would denominate "them according to the custom of their days, and that by these means what was before "unknown would become known.

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"This version of Estefan," continues Ibn Joljol, "such as it was, with some of the simples having equivalent names in Arabic and others not, was brought to Andalus; the "learned of this country, as well as those of the East, studying by it until the reign of "'Abdu-r-rahmán An-nássir, son of Mohammed, Sultán of Andalus, when an ambassador "from Armánius,7 Emperor of Constantinople, came to Cordova with letters and pre"sents from his master. This event took place, if I am not mistaken, in the year three "hundred and thirty-seven of the Hijra (A.D. 948-9). There was, among other valuable "things sent by Armánius, a copy of Dioscorides' work, beautifully written in the old Greek "language, the same that the ancient Ionians wrote and spoke, and having besides drawings " of plants beautifully executed and illuminated with the most vivid colours. The Emperor of

2

دیوسقریدوس الـعـيـن زربي

.68 .The life of this physician is also in Ibn Abi Ossaybi'ah, fo اصطفى بن بسيل

3

4 The tenth Khalif of the family of 'Abbás. He reigned from two hundred and thirty-one to two hundred and forty-seven (A. D. 845-861).'

5 On this Honeyn or Honayn the reader may consult the Arabica Philosophorum Bibliotheca, apud Casiri, vol. i. p. 251, as well as Ibn Abí Ossaybi'ah, fo. 80, verso.

6 Instead of Estefan the sense requires Honeyn.

7 This Armánius, or Arménius, as his name must have been pronounced by the Spanish Arabs, can be no other than Romanus, son of Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, who reigned from A. D. 948 to 963.

"Constantinople sent at the same time a copy of the work of the historian Orosius, an "excellent history of the Romans, in which were described the events of ancient times " and the actions of former kings, and many other curious and important events. In a letter accompanying the presents, the Emperor Armánius, alluding to this copy of Dioscorides, "observed to An-nássir, the books of Dioscorides ought to be translated into Arabic by a man well versed in the Greek language, and acquainted also with the properties of simples ; "without this requisite the merits of this wonderful composition will never be duly appreciated and brought to light.' He added, Unless thou find, O king! in thy states a man properly qualified to undertake this version, the advantages and merits of these books "will for ever remain in obscurity. As to the books of Orosius, being written in Latin, I "have no doubt but that thou wilt find in thy states a man who can read that language, " and translate the work into Arabic for thy own use.”9

"It happened, however," continues Ibn Joljol, "that there was no Christian among those "who resided in Cordova at the time who could read and understand the language of the "ancient Greeks, so that the work of Dioscorides remained untranslated in An-nássir's library. "In the meanwhile the learned of this country made use of Estefan's translation, which, as I "have remarked elsewhere, was brought from Baghdad. At last, when An-nássir, some years after this event, returned the embassy of Armánius, he desired that monarch to send "him a man well learned in the language and literature of the ancient Greeks, who should "teach them in Cordova to some of An-nássir's slaves, and thereby enable them to make a "suitable Arabic version. This request was readily granted by Armánius, who dispatched to "Cordova a monk named Nicolaus,10 who arrived in Cordova in the year three hundred and forty of the Hijra (A.D. 951-2). There were at that time in the capital several eminent "physicians, men of the greatest learning, who burned with desire to acquire a perfect "knowledge of the books of Dioscorides, and dive into the sense of the passages that "remained still obscure and unexplained in the translation, as well as to find the equivalent names of the plants in Arabic. Among those who most eagerly desired an opportunity "to gain a sight of that precious work, and who, owing to the esteem in which they were held by the Khalif, could at any time go to the palace and enter the library, was Hasdáy Ibn "Bashrút," the Israelite. With this man the monk Nicolaus formed an intimate acquaintance,

The history of Orosius was certainly translated into Arabic. I find it often mentioned by Ibnu Hayyán (Bodl. Lib., No. 137), Al-bekrí (Arab. MS. in my possession), and by Makrízí (Brit. Mus., 7317). These authors, however, do not

agree as to its title. The former calls itülüged poll, al-Al-bekrí, in his description of Egypt, — wh

تاريخ الروم و وصف دولهم و حروبهم

—while the latter, who undoubtedly borrowed his information from Al-bekrí, whom I find he copied in most instances, with a very slight verbal alteration, calls it

10

نقولا

صف الدول و الحروب الاندلسي في وصف

11 No doubt the same individual called Rabbi Hasdai ben Isaac Sprot by Castro, Biblioteca Española, tom. i. pp. 29, 239. Ibn Abí Ossaybi'ah, who gives his life, fo. 138, verso, says that he enjoyed great favour with 'Abdu-r-rahmán III., of Cordova, whose physician he was.

VOL. I.

d

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"and, in the course of time, explained to him all the obscure passages in the books of Dios"corides. Hasdáy was likewise the first physician who made in Cordova the antidote called al-fárúk,12 and determined the proper plants that ought to enter into its composition.13 Nor was Hasday the only physician who worked on the books of Dioscorides; other eminent "men laboured sedulously to re-establish the right reading of the names of plants, and to find "their equivalents in Arabic. Of this number were Mohammed, known by the surname of Ash-shajjár, another man called Al-busábisí,1 Abú 'Othmán Al-jezzár,16 known by the "surname of Al-yábisah," Mohammed Ibn Sa'id, the physician, 'Abdu-r-rahmán Ibn Is'hák "Ibn Haytham,18 and Abú 'Abdillah As-sakílí (of Sicily), who knew and spoke Greek well, "and was besides an eminent physician and botanist. All the above-mentioned individuals were contemporaries of the monk Nicolaus, and lived, in the days of the Khalif Al-mus"tanser,19 in Cordova, where I knew them in my youth, and profited by their lessons and "experience. I also saw and knew the monk Nicolaus, who died in the first year of the reign of Al-mustanser-billah Al-hakem. However, through the united efforts of those illus"trious physicians, the translation of the books of Dioscorides was purged of the manifold " errors with which it swarmed, the obscure passages were made clear, all the names of plants "and simples were satisfactorily explained, with the exception of a few, which did not "exceed ten in number, and the people of Cordova, the capital of Andalus, could at last "read the very words of the Greek naturalist translated into their own language, and know "the equivalent terms for all and every one of the simples described in his works."

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Ibn Joljol adds: "Having from my earliest youth shown the greatest inclination to "become well acquainted with the materia medica (by Dioscorides), which is the foundation "of the knowledge of compound medicaments, I was led to investigate the subject with the "utmost care and attention. This I did until God, in his infinite bounty, was pleased to grant me the means of attaining the object of my wishes and accomplishing my purpose, "which was to preserve the names and description of many medicaments which I feared "would be forgotten, and the advantages resulting from them lost to mankind, since God "has created the means of restoring health to the body of man by disseminating them in the plants which cover the surface of the earth, in the quadrupeds that move on it, in the fishes "that swim in the water, in the birds that fly through the air, and in the mineral substances

12

13

14

15

ترياق الفاروق

علي تصحيح الشجارية التي فيه My translation here differs from that of De Sacy; the text says

16 Ibn Abí Ossaybi'ah (fo. 133, verso,) gives the life of a physician named Ahmed Ibnu-l-jezzár, but his surname was Abú Ja'far, not Abú 'Othmán.

17 Perhaps Ibn is wanting.

18 See Ibn Abí Ossaybi'ah (loco laudato, fo. 137). Ibn Haytham, who was a native of Cordova, and gained much fame in his profession, left several works.

19 I believe the author means here An-nássir instead of Al-mustanser.

"that lie hidden in the bowels of the earth; and by permitting that all these things should "be appropriated to the cure of diseases, as a proof of his extreme mercy and kindness."

Ibn Joljol left the following works:-1. A commentary on the names of the simples used in medicine which occur in the books of Dioscorides; written at Cordova, in the month of Rabi'-l-akhar of the year three hundred and seventy-two (Sept. or Oct. A.D. 982), under the Khalifate of Hishám Ibn Al-hakem.-11. Another work treating of those simples which may be used in medicine, but are not mentioned in the books of Dioscorides.-11. A risáleh (epistle) entitled "Declaration of the errors committed by physicians in the cure of diseases." -IV. A bibliographical work, dedicated to the Khalif Hishám, containing the lives of eminent physicians and philosophers born in Andalus, or who practised in that country.

APPENDIX B.

Extracts from the historical work of Waliyyu-d-dín Abú Zeyd ’Abdu-r-rahmán Ibn Khaldún

ترجمان العِبَر و ديوان المبتداء Al-hadhrami Al-ishbili Al-maleki, entitled

ذَوِي السلطن الاكبر و الخبر في أيام العرب والبربر و من عاصرهم من

"The interpreter of the instructive records, and the collection of the subject and the "predicate, on the history of the Arabs, the Berbers, and their contemporaries who had "extensive empires."

SUCH is the title of a general history which the above-mentioned author seems to have written for Abú-l-'abbás Ahmed, surnamed Al-mutawakkel-billah, Sultán of Africa, of the dynasty of the Bení Abí Hafs, and which, if we attend to the various information it contains, to the importance of the subjects treated in it, and the philosophical spirit which reigns through the work, may well be called one of the most complete and best-written histories that ever issued from the pen of an Arabian writer.1

Two volumes, out of the many which compose this invaluable production, are in the Library of the British Museum. No. 9574 contains the mukaddamát or prolegomena. It is a large quarto, containing one hundred and ninety-nine folios, written in the Maghrebí or Western hand, upon thick brown paper. The age of the MS. is nowhere stated, but, if I am to judge from its general appearance, I do not hesitate to say that it was written before the sixteenth century of our era. The transcript is executed in a large, plain, legible hand, such as that of a professional copyist would be; the titles

The reader may consult the Journal Asiatique, vol. i. p. 268, vol. v. p. 148, and vol. viii. p. 226; De Sacy, Chrest. Ar. vol. ii. pp. 387, 393, 401, and Relat. de l'Egypte, p. 509; Biographie Universelle, vol. xxi. p. 153, et seq. Volumes of Ibnu Khaldun's work are to be found in Oxford, Cambridge, Leyden, Paris, and the principal Libraries of the Continent. Nowhere, however, is the work to be found complete in Arabic, although copies of a Turkish translation are not uncommon.