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parts of the town where the Burgundian party had the greatest hold. They conveyed information to Charles's lieutenants, held a communication with them which led to the assurance of a general amnesty, and opened one of the gates, through which a sufficient force was admitted to drive the English from every part of the town. The greater number of Charles's troops were of the Robber-bands (the écorcheurs), and the Constable had no little difficulty to prevent them from sacking the place, which, on hearing the bells announce its surrender, they regarded as an operation that followed of course. Willoughby and his army retreated into the Bastille to negotiate for terms; and they capitulated on condition of being suffered to retire unmolested. They embarked for Rouen with some few of the inhabitants who chose to accompany them, in distrust of the promised pardon. They were followed by the insults and execrations of all the rest, being marched round to pass through a gate opening upon the fields, in order to avoid the violence of the people. They took refuge in the Duchy; they had no French subjects in connexion with them, save some few who apprehended that their conduct during the occupation made it dangerous to remain under the power of Charles's officers. And thus the English possessions in France extended but little beyond what the terms offered at Arras would have secured-Normandy, Guienne, and Calais.

The surrender of the capital with the entire con

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sent, and, indeed, the active co-operation of the inhabitants, and the general restoration to Charles of his people's affections in the provinces of which the English yet retained possession, may be deemed the virtual as it was the natural termination of the conquest. The war still languished for many years, and the invaders were not driven from the country; first, because of those indolent habits which Charles had not yet shaken off; and afterwards because of the necessity under which he found himself of bending all his efforts to establish peace and order in the country, and extirpate the freebooters who laid it waste. But the probability is, that he felt less inclined to make a final arrangement with the English than he had done at Arras, the capital being now in his hands, and his adversary having no longer in his service or his alliance any French subjects, save a few of no importance and desperate fortunes. He perceived, on the other hand, in the English, once so averse to peace, a sudden and vehement desire for it, produced by the loss of Paris, and retreat into Normandy-a change very usual in the popular feeling, sometimes termed opinion, which is apt first to drive the country into hostilities against its best interests, and soon to force a negotiation when, perhaps, the war ought to be continued for the interests well understood of peace itself.' But he must have plainly seen that unless he agreed to leave them the Duchies, no accommodation was yet possible; whereas, by a little delay until he should

See Note LXIII.

have succeeded in restoring order and quiet in his dominions, and acquired the important advantage of a regular army, a continuance of the English power in those two provinces would become impossible, and he might gain the benefit of peace without any concessions. The war, however, continued to be carried on, though with great languor, and confined almost entirely to those districts; it was carried on, too, with various success. Nearly the whole of Normandy was overrun by Charles's forces, every town but Caudebec being at one time in their possession; but all were without any exception retaken, and the hostilities on both sides seemed reduced to predatory incursions. Similar occurrences on a smaller scale took place in Guienne. But for about fifteen years after they had abandoned Paris, the English had possession both of the northern and the southern province.

When the issue of the conquest was in suspense, the progress of the invader's arms, and the measures taken to oppose him, became interesting, even in their more minute details. To recount the alternate capture and loss of towns when the fate of the war had been substantially decided, would be at once wearisome and useless. Great valour and conduct were displayed on many occasions, and the renown is still fresh in men's recollection of Talbot, who maintained his rank as the first of English captains in that day, and kept the field when past his eightieth year. Possibly, greater exertions made on the part of England, had the councils been less distracted by

faction, and latterly by the commencement of the civil war between the Two Roses, might have warded off, for a few years longer, the blow which Charles's great improvements in his system of internal administration had prepared. If it be so, this cannot be set down as among the mischiefs produced by those civil broils; for, assuredly, all the expense of blood and of treasure occasioned by such exertions would have been absolutely thrown away.

1450.

1451.

1453.

The entire reconquest of Normandy was effected, with scarcely any reverse during its progress, in about a year; that of Guienne in another, with the exception of the Bordeaux district; and two years later Bordeaux was also taken. Of all the possessions upon which so much had been squandered of wealth and life, and the more important part of which had been for three centuries vested in the Crown of England, none remained save only the town of Calais-a consummation over which reflecting persons, be they philanthropists, or statesmen, or philosophers, can certainly in no wise mourn.

The improvements in the manner of administering the constitution, rather than any change in its structure, produced by the infirm title of the Lancaster Princes, and especially in the reign of Henry V., have been already adverted to. The most important of these were the constant reliance upon Parliament

alone for supplies, and the practice of consulting it on other matters, even those more immediately connected with the prerogatives of the Crown. In both particulars the succeeding reign confirmed and extended the usage: Parliament was more frequently appealed to, and upon subjects more directly touching the rights of the Sovereign. This arose from the long minority of Henry VI., his feeble character, and occasional incapacity, the constant dissensions of the Princes, whose influence was not very unequally balanced, and the embarrassment produced by the Regent's necessary absence from the realm. All these circumstances ensured a considerable accession of importance to the two estates which were under no disability and had no difficulties to struggle against.

The appeal to Parliament, however, was not always made in the same manner, or rather it was sometimes made to the body at large, and sometimes only to the Lords. But a distinction seems to have been taken between matters on which the latter, from their functions of judges and counsellors, might seem the appropriate advisers; and matters which affected the rights, the liberties, and the property of the community. Thus when Beaufort and Gloster quarrelled personally, and the nephew preferred charges against the uncle, the Lords, upon the parties consenting to have their dispute settled by arbitration, appointed certain prelates and peers to be the referees, who directed their award to be entered on the

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