determined the Author to render this part of his work as short as poffible.

"The third part contains the practical branch of Electricity. Here the Author has taken care to infert a defcription of all the new improvements in the apparatus; which ferve to leffen the expence of it, and at the fame time, to facilitate the performance of the experiments. As to the experiments themselves, he has chiefly infifted on a few principal ones, which feemed most neceffary to illuftrate, and confirm the laws of Electricity; omitting a great number of others, which he has met with, as they appeared to be only variations of the former. He has however given an account of fome others, which, though not abfolutely neceffary, feemed very deferving of notice.

"The fourth and laft part contains a brief account of the prin cipal experiments, which have been made by the Author himself, in pursuance of what occurred to him in the courfe of his ftudies in this branch of philofophy."

To render the treatife more ufeful and intelligible, the author hath added three copper-plates; with that neceffary ap pendage a fufficiently copious index of the matters moft worthy of notice, contained in the book.

The Nature, Extent, and Importance, of the Duty of Allegiance: a Sermon preached at Aberdeen, December 12, 1776, being the Faft Day appointed by the King, on Account of the Rebellion in America. By George Campbell, D. D. Principal of Marifchal College. 4to. Chalmers, Aberdeen-Cadell, London.

Having frequently expreffed our disapprobation at seeing the pulpit made the vehicle of political declamation, it is but juf tice to the declaimers to publish their apology. "The cry is," fays Dr. Campbell," what has the minifter of the Gospel to "do with matters of ftate, or Chriftianity with human poli"tics" To which queftion our political divine thus replies.

"The ambiguity of the terms politics and matters of flate gives a fpecious appearance to the objection. The church, no doubt, would be a very improper place for the difcuffion of many points in regard to national intereft, and of questions of jurif-prudence, which might be very pertinent in the cabinet or the fenate. But when a question arifes that affects the title of the magiftrate to demand, and the obliga tion of the fubject to yield, obedience; if the precepts of the gospel at all concern our conduct as citizens, it must be the duty of a chriftian paftor to point out to his flock what thefe precepts command, and what they prohibit.

"Our Saviour, in his laft charge to his apostles, exprefly enjoined them to teach all thofe whom they fhould convert and baptize, "to "obferve all things whatfoever he had commanded them." Now it is as really a commandment of our Lord, that we should "render to "Cæfar

Calar the things that are Cæfar's," as that we fhould "render to "God the things that are God's." Have not his apoftles accordingly, Paul and Peter in particular, given moft explicit directions on this very head? Paul not only recommends this duty himself to chriftian congregations, but in the instructions he gives to Titus, who was also a minifter, specifies it by name as an important duty which he ought not to neglect recommending to his people. "Put them in mind," fays he, "to be fubject to principalities and powers, to obey magiftrates." Can we think ourselves excufed in omitting to teach and inforce fo momentous a duty, fo ftrongly recommended to us both by the example and by the precept both of our Lord and of his apostles? In the general order Chrift gave to his difciples to teach the people to observe all things, whatfoever he had commanded them, were they at liberty to make an exception of this?

"The pulpit without question would be an improper place for canvaffing the economical regulations, which might properly be adopted in the government of families. But if tenets fhould be advanced and warmly recommended totally fubverfivè of the honour due from children to their parents, and of the obedience due from fervants to their masters, would he deferve the character of a minister of Chrift, who chofe to continue filent, and under the filly pretext, that the pulpit was not intended for difcuffing family affairs, would take no concern in the controverfy? Shall we find men that are indefatigable in diftributing poifon, and shall not those who have it in their power, be at fome pains to adminifter the antidote?

"It has in like manner been urged, that under thefe plaufible pretences, the pulpit hath fometimes been made the inftrument of railing fedition, and of doing the greatest mischief to the public. The charge is indeed but too true. But is that a good reafon for not employing it for the contrary purpofe of inculcating allegiance and loyalty? The pulpit has also been often employed in the fervice of error. Shall it therefore never be used for the advancement of truth? It has often been perverted to be inftrumental in kindling perfecu tion. Shall it therefore be accounted improper to use it in recommending the moderation, the meeknefs, and the gentleness of Chrift? Befides, will thofe who abufe the pulpit to a bad purpose, be the lefs difpofed to do fo; becaufe nobody dares oppofe them from the pulpit ? The reverse may with greater probability be concluded."

The laft queftion, indeed, hits the nail on the head. If the preaching of politics be accounted a neceffary evil, it may with fome reafon be tolerated: otherwife we do not think, notwithftanding all Dr. C. has here faid, that the example of those, who abuse the pulpit to a bad purpose, is proper to be adopted by fuch as fhould use it to a good one. To do evil that good may come, is not a pious, though it may be a political practice.

As to the fermon itself, the preacher juftly obferves, that it cannot be expected to contain much that is new; as it was preached on a fubject, which has now fo long engroffed

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the

the public attention, and engaged the pens of many able and ingenious writers on both fides the queftion. We hardly need to add, that Dr. Campbell, like a good christian, fides with the < powers that be."

S.

The Success of the firft Publishers of the Gospel a Proof of its Truth. A Sermon, preached before the Society in Scotland for propagating Chriftian Knowledge, at their Annual Meeting, Edinburgh, Friday, June 6, 1777. By George Campbell, D.D. Principal of Marifchal College. Aberdeen. 8vo. Creech, Edinburgh.

A fenfible and pious difcourfe, well adapted to the occafion; although not delivered in fo elegant a ftile, as might be ex pected from fo claffical a scholar and judicious a critic as Dr. Campbell. His deo juvante, or, as he in a lefs chriftian-like phrafcology terms it, "with the aid of Heaven," is a low phrafe, and puts us in mind of the common carrier's, "Godwilling."-There are fome words, alfo, ufed in Scotland in a fenfe fo widely different from what they bear in England, that we think the Principal of a reputable Univerfity fhould be apprized of it. Thus we are told, in the fociety's ac counts annexed to this fermon, that schools are endowed and fchoolmasters fupported upon a mortification. In England a man dies of a mortification: in Scotland, it seems, he lives upon it! The countries were always at variance: how the union took place, is a wonder!

A Letter to Us from One of Ourfelves. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Kearsly. "The man who writes at this day, with the idea of ferving his COUNTRY, is, in reality, unacquainted with the temper of the times."-So fays this politic letter-writer, in his firft fen tence: plainly infinuating that he himfelf writes, of course, to ferve HIMSELF. This, indeed, might be gueffed at from the quaintnefs of his title-page; which, we doubt not, has induced fome hundreds to purchate his pamphlet, who would otherwife have paffed regardless over a lefs ftriking frontifpiece: but there is no faith, fays the old adage, to be given to frontifpieces. And yet, as it is not impoffible for a man, however undefignedly, to ferve himself and his country too (efpecially if, being one of ourselves, he confults the interefts of us), we

fhall

fhall give our readers the fum and fubftance of this curious epiftle in a few words. After declaiming, through more than fixty pages, about the depravity of the times; ringing the changes on fuch general maxims as "Luxury has been the bane of all free ftates," and applying the like fage faws and fentences to the prefent ftate of the nation; of which he draws a meft unfavourable picture; affuring us that "the country we live in is fo far difeafed, that hardly any remedy can be administered for its relief," our epiftolizer proceeds, like a true political empiric, to prefcribe his noftrum for its recovery: which confifts of three ingredients, in the form following.

"Ift, To promote more frequent Elections, which would tend to make the reprefentative more virtuous; for his inducements to act honeftly, will be thereby ftrengthened, as his reward, which is the approbation of and being rechofen by his conftituents, will happen more frequently.

"2dly, A more equal Reprefentation; it being contrary to the principles of the conftitution, that unreprefented property fhould be taxed, or that property fhould be unequally reprefented. Both these abuses prevail; to remove them, the perfonal property ought to have more electors; and the landed, more elected. This may be effected, by opening and extending the confined boroughs, and encreafing the number of knights of thires.

"3dly, An effectual Exclufion of Placemen and Penfioners (excepting those few who may be neceflary for giving information to the Houfe, &c.): The establishment of this point would tend to recover the inde pendency of parliament, and by removing the occafion of useless places, extravagant falaries, and a profuse expenditure of secret service money, relieve the people from a very heavy contribution.

"To obtain these three points, on which, in a great measure, the restoration of the conftitution depends, let the landholders of every parish in each county meet in their respective parishes, and deliberate thereon, their fenfe on which being known, let one in each be chofen for the purpose of representing it; thefe to meet at the capital towns of their respective counties, where each giving in the fenfe of his refpective Patifh, the majority shall be deemed to be the fense of the county, bound to adhere to which, let nine be chosen as a fanding county committee. From thefe nine let there be one delegated for the purpose of meeting the other county delegates, at fome appointed place in London, feven days before the opening of parliament. This meeting will confift of fifty-two members, by the majority of which, the sense of the landed intereft may be afcertained; and as the commercial interest fhould be equally regarded, let a fimilar plan be adopted in every trading town throughout the kingdom, excepting London, which fhould be reprefented by a committee chofen out of the livery.

"The fenfe of each intereft being thus feparately known, let them hold a conference together. Should they agree upon all or any of these points in queftion, let them jointly prefer a petition to parliament, on its first day of meeting, to originate a bill to promote the fame. If they find that the commons refule to comply with this the defire of the

nation,

nation, let them go up to the throne with a petition for the diffolution of that parliament; fhould this be attended with the fame fuccefs, the delegates of each interest are then to return to their respective committees, who, receiving their report, will communicate it to the parish reprefentatives, by whom it will be conveyed to the people at large;who taught by this experiment, will know, that in themselves alone is placed redrefs."

That is, in other words, if the recipe of our doctor doth not cure us, we may cure ourselves. A comfortable reflection, truly! And yet, if we reflect of what advantage it is to be given over by the quacks, perhaps even the arrival at this ftate of defperation, if our ftate be really defperate, is a confumma tion devoutly to be wished!

S.

Candid Truth, in Answer to a Pamphlet, entitled a Letter to Us from One of Ourfelves. 8vo. 1s. Law.

If the foregoing Letter to Us was not actually written with an immediate view to this Anfwer from One of Ourselves, there is at least all the appearance of it; the obfervations of this anfwerer feeming to tally with thofe of the letter-writer with a previously concerted exactnefs. Be this as it may, both letter and answer contain little more than an affemblage of the common-place topics of declamation, between the coffee-house po liticians of the different parties. We fhall cite from this pam phlet, therefore, only the objections made to the three political expedients fuggefted by the letter-writer.

The first, To promote more frequent elections, will tend to make the reprefentative more virtuous.

"In order for the reprefentative to be virtuous, it is neceffary that his electors should be virtuous; if they are not, the frequent returns of elections will be only more frequent occafions of indulging their rapacity: If the people are virtuous, and the candidate criminal, we cannot fuppofe they will elect a man fo averse from their principles; and if they elect one of virtue, the longer he reprefents them the better: If they would shorten the time of his fitting, left fecurity fhould expofe him to corruption, they fhew they have been hafty, and will, on reflection, make a choice that fhall neither betray their judgement, or ftimulate their fears: And if a difhoneft man should impofe upon the ho neft electors, and by corrupting a difhoneft party fupercede his competi tor, the laws have provided for the contingency, will immediately expel him the house, and admit the other member. I have feen much of elections, and know that the animofities created then do not fubfide for seven years; how would they be warmed were they renewed every three years? The kingdom would be one continued fcene of confu fion. It is not from bribery this animofity is produced: it is chiefly from difference of religious tenets, perfonal connexions, and interest in trade; and every fober man must be perfuaded the lefs the former is

touched