in aid of theory, for those gloomy apprehensions which have been so industriously excited. There remains, sir, another general line of argument, which I have already anticipated, and I hope answered, that the commercial privileges now enjoyed by Ireland, and to which it owes so much of its prosperity, would be less secure than at present. I have given an answer to that already, by stating that they are falsely imputed to the independence of the Irish parliament, for that they are in fact owing to the exercise of the voluntary discretion of the British parliament, unbound by compact, prompted only by its natural disposition to consider the interests of Ireland the same as its own; and if that has been done while Ireland is only united to us in the imperfect and precarious manner in which it is, while it has a separate parliament, notwithstanding the commercial jealousies of our own manufactures; if, under these circumstances we have done so, if we have done so with no other connexion than that which now subsists, and while Ireland has no share in our representation; what fresh ground can there be for apprehension, when she will have her proportionate weight in the legislature, and will be united with us as closely as Lancashire or Yorkshire, or any other county in Great Britain. Sir, I have seen it under the same authority to which I am sorry so often to advert, that the linen trade would be injured, and that there will be no security for its retaining its present advantages. I have already stated to you, and with that very authority in my favour, that those advantages are at present precarious, and that their security can only arise from compact with Great Britain. Such a compact, this measure would establish in the most solemn manner; but besides this, sir, the natural policy of this country, not merely its experienced liberality, but the identity of interests after a union, would offer a security worth a thousand compacts. Sir, the only other general topick of objection is that upon which great pains have been taken to raise an alarm in Ireland; the idea that the main principle of the measure was to subject Ireland to a load of debt and an increase of taxes, and to expose her to the consequences of all our alleged difficulties and supposed necessities. Sir, I hope the zeal, the spirit, and the liberal and enlarged policy of this country, have given ample proof that it is not from a pecuniary motive that we seek a union. If it is not desirable on the grounds I have stated, it cannot be recommended for the mere purpose of taxation; but to quiet any jealousy on this subject, here again let us look to Scotland. Is there any instance where, with 45 members on her part and 513 on ours, that part of the united kingdom has paid more than its proportion to the general burthens? Is it, then, sir, any ground of apprehension, that we are likely to tax Ireland more heavily when she becomes associated with ourselves? To tax in its due proportion the whole of the empire, to the utter exclusion of the idea of the predominance of one part of society over another, is the great characteristick of British finance, as equality of laws is of the British constitution. But, sir, in addition to this, if we come to the details of this proposition, it is in our power to fix, for any number of years which shall be thought fit, the proportion by which the contribution of Ireland to the expenses of the state shall be regulated; that these proportions shall not be such as would make a contribution greater than the necessary amount of its own present necessary expenses as a separate kingdom; and, even after that limited period, the proportion of the whole contribution, from time to time, might be made to depend on the comparative produce, in each kingdom, of such general taxes as might be thought to afford the best criterion of their respective wealth. Or, what I should hope would be found practicable, the system of internal taxation in each country might gradually be so equalized and assimilated, on the leading articles, as to make all rules of specifick proportion unnecessary, and to secure, that Ireland shall never be taxed but in proportion as we tax ourselves. The application of these principles, however, will form matter of future discussion. I mention them only as strongly showing, from the misrepresentation which has taken place on this part of the subject, how incumbent it is upon the house to receive these propositions, and to adopt, after due deliberation, such resolutions as may record to Ireland the terms upon which we are ready to meet her. And, in the mean time, let us wait, not without impatience, but without dissatisfaction, for that moment, when the effect of reason and discussion may reconcile the minds of men, in the kingdom, to a measure which I am sure will be found as necessary for their peace and happiness, as it will be conducive to the general security and advantage of the British empire. Sir, it remains for me only to lay these resolutions before the house, wishing that the more detailed dis cussion of them may be reserved to a future day. THE SPEECH OF THE HON. RICHARD B. SHERIDAN, ÎN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, JANUARY, 1802, ON THE DEFI NITIVE TREATY OF AMIENS. WHEN the treaty of Amiens came under the consideration of the British parliament, there appeared relative to that measure, three distinct political parties. By the ministry who concluded the peace it was, of course, approved and vindicated. By a section of their predecessors in office, who had originated and conducted the war it was most strenuously resisted, and violently condemned as a disgraceful and ruinous compromise of the dignity, the honour, and safety of the country. By the old opposition, consisting of Mr. Fox and his friends, the peace was defended, not on account of the merits of the treaty, but as required by the crippled and exhausted condition to which the nation was reduced by the disasters of the war. Among those that contemplated the measure in this last point of view was Mr. Sheridan, whose speech on the occasion, is here introduced. However we may dissent from the principles and reasoning contained in this speech, we cannot help admiring the sparkling wit, and good humoured raillery which render it so gay, so brilliant and so amus. ing. SIR, SPEECH, &c. AT this late hour* it is with extreme reluctance I rise to address the house, and to trespass upon your time and patience. I shall not be singular to night in professions I make you of avoiding details; but, sir, in one respect my conduct will be different from that of any other gentleman who has addressed you. I will keep my word. If I feel repugnance to rise at so late an hour, I feel equally strange with respect to the unpopularity which I fear I must experience. It is natural to every person to have pleasure in voting in a majority, though to that pleasure I believe I have been long a stranger. Among the strange things we are continually witnessing, is the strange division of parties at present in this house. Sir, I have heard it said, that there are about twelve or thirteen different parties among us; nay, some carry the number much further. Now I scarcely expect a single vote with me beyond that little circle of a constitutional party who have for the last ten years been the objects of so much unqualified abuse; but those men who have so often been held up to publick opprobrium, are the very same men whose every prediction has been fulfilled, and every fear realized. The discussion of this necessary, but disgraceful treaty of peace, to night, is a confirmation of the propriety of their political conduct during the whole course of the war. My friends must feel poignant shame and deep humiliation at the situation to which by these terms this country is reduced, but which they have laboured steadily to avert. Those who oppose this peace have been arraigned by the last speaker, as aiming at a censure on the issue of the negotiations, and on the ministers themselves. And certainly, sir, their object is to condemn the peace, and to cast a slur on the abilities of his majesty's ministers. But, in this conduct of theirs, they have at least the merit of being * Two o'clock in the morning. |