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ginia, and Fredericktown in Maryland; and a part of them subsequently to Lancaster in Pennsylvania. Lord Cornwallis, and the other principal officers, went by sea to New York on parole.

All these affairs being arranged, General Washington left Yorktown on the 5th of November. The same day he arrived at Eltham, where he was present at the death of Mr. Custis, the only son of Mrs. Washington. He stayed there a few days to mingle his grief with that of the afflicted widow and mother. The occasion was not less trying to his sympathy than to his sensibility, for he had watched over the childhood and youth of the deceased with a paternal solicitude, and afterwards associated with him as a companion, who possessed his confidence and esteem. Mr. Custis was a member of the Virginia legislature, and much respected for his public and private character. He died at the age of twenty-eight, leaving four infant children, the two youngest of whom, a son and daughter, were adopted by General Washington, and they resided in his family till the end of his life.

From Eltham he proceeded by the way of Mount Vernon to Philadelphia, receiving and answering various public addresses while on his journey. The day after his arrival he attended Congress, being introduced into the hall by two members, and greeted with a congratulatory address by the President. He was requested to remain for some time in Philadelphia, both that he might enjoy a respite from the fatigues of war, and that Congress might avail themselves of his aid in making preparations for vigorous and timely efforts to draw every advantage from the recent triumph of the allied

arms.

CHAPTER XIV.

Preparations for another Campaign recommended and enforced by General Washington and approved by Congress.-Lafayette returns to France. The Affair of Captain Asgill. Backwardness of the States in recruiting the Army. - Proposal to General Washington to assume Supreme Power, and his Reply. - Sir Guy Carleton gives Notice, that Negotiations for Peace had begun. - The French Troops march from Virginia, join General Washington, and afterwards embark at Boston. Dissatisfaction of the Army. - The Officers send a Memorial to Congress. -The anonymous Addresses at Newburg. -Intelligence arrives, that a Treaty of Peace had been signed at Paris. - General Washington's Sentiments concerning the civil Government of the Union. His Circular Letter to the States. He makes a Tour to the North. Repairs to Congress at the Request of that Body. His Farewell Address to the Army.-The British evacuate New York.

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Washington resigns his Commission, and retires to private Life at Mount Vernon.

FROM the state of affairs at this time, both in Europe and America, it was evident that the war could not be of much longer duration. Considering the temper hitherto manifested by the British cabinet, however, and the spirit with which a large majority of the nation had sustained the ministerial measures, it was generally supposed that another campaign would be tried. This was Washington's belief; and, in his communications to Congress and to persons of influence in various parts of the country, he urged the importance of being fully prepared. This he regarded as the wisest policy in any event. If the war continued, the preparations would be necessary; if it ceased, they would have a favorable effect on the negotiations for peace.

He was apprehensive, that the people, from a mistaken idea of the magnitude of the late success in Virginia, would deceive themselves with delusive hopes, and grow remiss in their efforts. remiss in their efforts. "To prevent

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so great an evil," said he, "shall be my study and endeavour; and I cannot but flatter myself, that the States, rather than relax in their exertions, will be stimulated to the most vigorous preparations for another active, glorious, and decisive campaign, which, if properly prosecuted, will, I trust, under the smiles of Heaven, lead us to the end of this long and tedious war, and set us down in the full security of the great object of our toils, the establishment of peace, liberty, and independence. Whatever may be the policy of European courts during this winter, their negotiation will prove too precarious a dependence for us to trust to. Our wisdom should dictate a serious preparation for war, and, in that state, we shall find ourselves in a situation secure against every event."

These sentiments met the full concurrence of Congress. They resolved to keep up the same military establishment as the year before; and to call on the States to complete their quotas of troops at an early day. They voted new requisitions of money and supplies. These resolves were adopted with a promptness, zeal, and unanimity, which had rarely been shown on former occasions. To aid in carrying them into effect, it was deemed advisable for the Commander-in-chief to write two circular letters to the governors of all the States. The first, relating to finance, was dated on the 22d of January, 1782, and contained arguments for raising money adequate to the public exigences, particularly the payment and clothing of the troops. The second, dated a week later, exhibited the numbers and condition of the army then in the field, and urged the completing of the quotas according to the requisition of Congress.

"To bring the war to a speedy and happy conclusion," said he, "must be the fervent wish of every

lover of his country; and sure I am, that no means are so likely to effect these as vigorous preparations for another campaign. Whether, then, we consult our true interest, substantial economy, or sound policy, we shall find, that relaxation and languor are of all things to be avoided. Conduct of that kind on our part will produce fresh hopes and new exertions on that of the enemy; whereby the war, which has already held out beyond the general expectation, may be protracted to such a length, that the people, groaning under the burden of it, and despairing of success, may think any change a change for the better."

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However, at this advanced stage of the war, it might seem to be an insult to the understanding to suppose a long train of reasoning necessary to prove, that a respectable force in the field is essential to the establishment of our liberties and independence; yet, as I am apprehensive the prosperous issue of the combined operation in Virginia may have (as is too common in such cases) the pernicious tendency of lulling the country into a lethargy of inactivity and security; and, as I feel my own reputation, as well as the interest, the honor, the glory, and happiness of my country, intimately connected with the event, I will ask the indulgence to speak more freely on those accounts, and to make some of the observations, which the present moment seems to suggest.

"The broken and perplexed state of the enemy's affairs, and the successes of the last campaign on our part, ought to be a powerful incitement to vigorous preparations for the next. Unless we strenuously exert ourselves to profit by these successes, we shall not only lose all the solid advantages that might be derived from them, but we shall become contemptible in our own eyes, in the eyes of our enemy, in the opinion of pos

terity, and even in the estimation of the whole world, which will consider us as a nation unworthy of prosperity, because we know not how to make a right use of it.

"Although we cannot, by the best-concerted plans, absolutely command success, although the race is not always to the swift nor the battle to the strong, yet, without presumptuously waiting for miracles to be wrought in our favor, it is our indispensable duty, with the deepest gratitude to Heaven for the past, and humble confidence in its smiles on our future operations, to make use of all the means in our power for our defence and security. This period is particularly important, because no circumstances since the commencement of the war have been so favorable to the recruiting service as the present, and because it is to be presumed, from the increase of population and the brilliant prospects before us, that it is actually in our power to complete the army before the opening of the campaign. However flattering these prospects may be, much still remains to be done, which cannot probably be effected unless the army is recruited to its establishment; and consequently the continuance or termination of the war seems principally to rest on the vigor and decision of the States in this interesting point. And, finally, it is our first object of policy, under every supposable or possible case, to have a powerful army early in the field; for we must suppose the enemy are either disposed to prosecute the war, or to enter into a negotiation for peace. There is no other alternative. On the former supposition, a respectable army becomes necessary to counteract the enemy, and to prevent the accumulating expenses of a lingering war; on the latter, nothing but a decidedly superior force can enable us boldly to claim our rights and dictate the law at the

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