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that our intervention shall be attended with efficacious guarantees both for the interests of our country and the cause of real liberty. (Fresh murmurs on the left.) The Government considers it necessary to establish with precision the nature and bearing of the vote it now requires from the National Assembly. Already invested by it with a mission, of which it appreciates all the importance, it does not renounce that mission nor demand a new vote; for it would regard as unbecoming, as contrary to its most imperious duties, to adopt any course calculated to change the position in which it was purposely placed, and by which it should endeavour to cover its responsibility with that of the Assembly. In coming to-day to ask from you the credit indispensable to ensure the execution of the mission it has received, it remains, and wishes to remain, fully responsible for the consequences attending it. Its responsibility should only cease on the day when the refusal of that credit, by reducing it to the imperious necessity of remaining inactive in presence of the events about to be accomplished, should prove to it that the Assembly meant to annul its vote of the 30th of March. The President of the Republic has ordered us to submit the following decree to the Assembly:

"Article 1. An extraordinary credit of 1,200,000 francs is opened in the Ministry of War for 1849, to provide for the additional expenses required for the maintenance on the war footing, during three months, of the expeditionary corps of the Mediter

ranean.

"That extraordinary credit shall

be divided between the different chapters of the budget of war, agreeably to the table annexed to the present law.

"Article 2. The expense above authorized shall be provided for by means of the resources applicable to 1849."

M. Odillon Barrot added, that after that communication he need not observe how urgent it was, for the success of the expedition, that the discussion and vote should immediately take place. He accordingly moved that the Assembly should withdraw into its bureaux, and appoint a Committee to report on the measure.

This proposition was then put to the vote by the President, and agreed to.

The decree was subsequently voted, and General Oudinot was appointed the Commander-in-Chief of the expedition.

The troops sailed from Marseilles on the 22nd of April; and in an order of the day, addressed to them by General Oudinot, he attempted, but without success, to give a plausible account of the service in which they were about to be employed. He said, "Soldiers! the President of the Republic has entrusted to me the command of the expeditionary corps of the Mediterranean. This honour imposes upon me duties of an arduous nature. Your patriotism will aid me in fulfilling them. The Government, resolved to maintain in all parts our ancient and legitimate influence, has been unwilling to leave the destinies of the people of Italy at the mercy of a foreign Power, or of a party forming only a minority. It confides to us the flag of France, in order that it may be planted on the Roman territory as a marked testimony of our sympathy."

The trial of the State prisoners, who had been confined in the Castle of Vincennes since the month of May last, on the charge of having participated in the attempt at insurrection and dissolution of the National Assembly on the 15th of that month, took place at Bourges in the month of March in the present year. They consisted of Blanqui, Raspail, Barbès, Albert (ci-devant "ouvrier"), Sobrier, General Courtais, and several others of meaner note. Our readers are, perhaps, aware that an indictment in France is, not as with us, a dry technical statement of the charge to which the accused party has to plead, couched in legal phraseology, and sternly rejecting all aid of rhetoric or ornament; but an inflated and voluminous composition, in which charges and evidence are mixed up together in inextricable confusion, and every kind of conjecture and inference is resorted to by the Procureur General, in order to enhance the guilt of the accused. In this case the acte d'accusation was of great length, and detailed fully the proceedings of the 15th of May. Although both Louis Blanc and Caussidière had fled from France, they were to be tried in their absence, and the acte gave a long history of their conduct at that period. Notice was taken of the speeches of the former at the period of the elections, in which efforts were plainly visible, from the gross flattery of what he called le peuple, to obtain influence over the working classes, with the view of raising himself to power-an influence propagated through the medium of the delegates of the Luxembourg; of his disappointment at not being named a member of the Commission of the ExeVOL. XCI.

cutive Power which replaced the Provisional Government; and his efforts to arrive at power by means of his proposition for the creation of a Ministry of Labour and Progress; of the suspicious terms made use of by him, and indicative of an approaching conflict, when announcing their separation to the delegates of the Luxembourg, in consequence of the decree ordering an inquiry on labour; the meetings at his house in the Rue Taitbout on the morning of the 14th May, at which Barbès and Albert were present, and the discussion by them on the manifestation of the following day; the visits from numerous bodies of workmen during the day at his house, and also at an early hour in the morning of the 15th; the assemblages of artisans, and their cries under his windows, the same morning; the repeated calls for Louis Blanc by the insurgents, when they had burst their way into the Assembly; his speeches to the mob, which, though he had pledged himself to the Bureau of the Assembly should be directed to induce the people to separate, on the contrary, congratulated them on their success in maintaining the right of petition; his use of the expressions, while the crowds were in the greatest state of excitement, "If more blood is wanting, we will find many victims;" and his adding, according to the testimony of the witness Benefort, "that the time for preserving had passed by, and the moment had arrived for overthrowing the then state of things, and of reconquering the rights won by the people on the 24th of February;" and his promise to procure the admission of the mob into the Assembly; the

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fact of Huber and the insurgents drawing up the lists of the new Government in the same salle where Louis Blanc was present, and of his having made no protest or observation when his name was proclaimed as one of the members; his quitting the Assembly in company with those who were going to the Hôtel de Ville, and his agility in leaping out of the window so soon as he found, on arriving at the peristyle, that the National Guards and Garde Mobile were seriously preparing to act against the mob; his entreaties against being borne in triumph lest he might be observed, as he said it was an affaire manquée; his prayer to be allowed to proceed to the Hôtel de Ville alone, and in a cabriolet, to avoid observation; his departure, and presumed presence at the Hôtel de Ville from the testimony of respectable witnesses, amongst whom was a lieut.-colonel of the 6th Legion of the National Guard, named Watrin, who declared that he saw him sitting at a table with several others, in an apartment, from the windows of which lists of the members of the new Government were distributed to the crowd below; and the declaration of a workman of the Atelier National, who took up Louis Blanc under his arm, and handed him through a window, when escaping from the Hôtel de Ville; and the discovery of a quantity of papers, left in the confusion of escape on the table. The document further noticed the explanations given by Louis Blanc in the Assembly, on the discussion of the authorization for the prosecution, and his denial of his being at the Hôtel de Ville; "but his denials," it

concludes, "have not succeeded in doing away with the charges against him."

The trial commenced on the 7th March, and lasted for several days. At first both Barbès and Albert refused to appear, and they were brought into the Court by force. The prisoners generally objected to the competency of the Court to try them, but without avail.

After a long and tedious investigation, the verdict of the Jury was delivered on the night of the 2nd of April, and consisted of Guilty against Barbès and Albert; of Guilty, with extenuating circumstances, against Blanqui, Flotte, Sobrier, Raspail, and Quentin; and of Not Guilty against General Courtais, Degré, Bormes, Thomas, Vilain, and Larget. The six lastnamed were then brought into Court, and, after the verdict had been read to them, the President ordered them to be immediately set at liberty.

After taking time to deliberate, the Court condemned Barbès and Albert to transportation for life; Blanqui to ten years', Sobrier to seven years', Raspail to six years', and Flotte and Quentin each to five years' imprisonment. The prisoners were also condemned jointly and severally to pay the costs of the prosecution; and Sobrier, Raspail, Flotte, and Quentin, to three months' imprisonment in default of payment.

Afterwards the Procureur General (M. Baroche) prayed the judg ment of the Court on Louis Blanc, Caussidière, Honneure, and four others, who had not appeared, and been condemned par contumace.

CHAPTER X.

Election contest for the Legislative Assembly-Sentiments of the Red Republicans and Socialists-General result of the Elections-M. Dupin elected President of the Legislative Assembly-His Address on the Occasion-Modification of the Ministry-Message of the President of the Republic-Interpellations of M. Ledru Rollin respecting the Aƒfairs of Rome-Speech of M. O. Barrot-Majority for MinistersProposition for their Impeachment-Attempt by the extreme Republicans at a Coup de Main, on the 12th of June-Admirable dispositions of General Changarnier-The Members of the Mountain retire to the Conservatoire des Arts--Conflict with the Troops-Paris declared in a state of Siege-The Insurrection rapidly quelled-Flight of Ledru Rollin and other Leaders of the Revolt-Subsequent proceedings in the Assembly-Circular of the Minister of the Interior on the subject of Political Clubs-Discussion on the state of EuropeSpeechs of MM. Manquin, De Tocqueville, and General Cavaignac— Financial Statement by M. Passy-Speech by M. de Tocqueville on the subject of French Intervention at Rome-Report drawn up by M. Thiers on the Question of Credit to defray the Expenses of the Expedition-Offence taken by the President of the Republic-Break up of the Odillon Barrot Cabinet-Reasons for their Dismissal assigned by the President-Appointment of new Ministry-Programme of their intended Policy.

As the dl As

S the period for the dissolu

tion of the National Assembly and election of a new Legislative Chamber approached, the public interest became absorbed in the result of the second great experiment which was about to be made of universal suffrage. Different electioneering clubs were formed in the metropolis for the purpose of facilitating the return of favourite candidates, and one of the most important of them was that known by the name of the "Central Commission of the Electoral Committee of the Rue de Poitiers," or the "Rue de Poitiers Club," which consisted of the fol

De

lowing members:- MM. Barrot (Ferdinand), Berryer, De Broglie, Chambolle, Duvergier de Hauranne, Fould (Achille), SauvainBarthélemy, De Malleville (Léon), Molé, De Montalembert, Noailles, De Périgord, General Piat, De Remusat, Thiers. These names sufficiently indicate that this Club advocated a kind of juste milieu policy, and in an address which the committee published they adopted a conservative tone, and strongly inculcated the necessity of union and mutual forbearance. The following pas sages will convey a correct idea of their views at this period.

"How can it be pretended that, because certain individuals had in other times served under various Governments, desired or sustained institutions different from the present, they ought not now honourably and usefully to combine to encounter new circumstances when these institutions no longer exist, and when those Governments have passed away? Merely because they have not had the same opinions respecting the empire, the restoration, or the revolution of 1830, are they for that reason interdicted from affording in common the same solution to questions of radical interest which have arisen since the 24th of February? It is affected to be forgotten that the present question is not one of establishing a Government, since legal order has been decided and the Republic established, but rather of determining the policy which can best sustain it, and of securing the interests and respecting the rights of all. This policy has to decide on questions of a grave character, no doubt, but yet of an elementary nature. The question is to ascertain if religion shall be revered in all its inviolability, and not abandoned as a plaything to the absurd novelties of certain ridiculous sectarians. It must be decided whether family is to remain as the Almighty has intended it; whether property, which, as an institution, dates from the very origin of regular society, shall remain such as it has been constituted by our social traditions and our civil laws, and which is the work of the experience of ages. We are to determine whether seditious minorities are to be eternally allowed to establish their discontent into right, and to appeal with impunity to open violence and against the law. We

must decide whether imposts are to be imposed merely out of hatred to capital; whether the rich are to be treated by the ruling power as suspected persons, and those who are less rich, as minors whose liberties are to be destroyed under pretence of improving their condition. It may also happen that we shall have to choose between peace and war-if peace is to be maintained without sacrificing the national dignity, and war undertaken in virtue of a fatal solidarity which would bind Republican France to the fate of the revolutions by which Europe is agitated.

.. The Republic has been often described as a form of government for all, and the recollections with which it then made a happy alliance may also be said to be a mutual inheritance. The individual whom France has chosen has comprehended without hesitation the intentions which raised him to power. He has known how to work out, from the midst of the counsels, the proposals, or the menaces of all parties, the policy of internal peace, which alone could secure to his constitutional Administration a durable hold on the memory of the people. His fidelity, his firmness, his perseverance, already made manifest by decisive proofs, have become public guarantees of confidence and order. Instead of giving himself up to an exclusive party, he invites around him all sincere parties; and we are convinced that all these parties are capable of forming amongst themselves a salutary alliance, and of sending to the Assembly a majority whose concord will be real and whose union will be salutary."

Very different sentiments were avowed by the extreme Republicans, and the Socialists, espe

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