cially, propounded the most monstrous doctrines as the cardinal points of their political creed. At a banquet attended on the 30th of April by these apostles of anarchy, at which the Abbé Tranchard presided and several other priests were present, some outrageous speeches were made; and although we almost fear to pollute our pages with such ribald blasphemy, we think it right that our readers should know the kind of language familiar to men who boasted that their mission was to regenerate society, and therefore we give the following toast which was proposed by a M. Bruant. "Jesus of Nazareth, the father of Socialism,-to that great Revolutionist whom the Pharisees, the Moderates of ancient times, condemned to die on an infamous cross between two thieves!" The last sitting of the National Assembly took place on the 26th of May, and the whole country then plunged into the excitement of a general election upon the principle of universal suffrage. The general result of the elections that followed was summed up as follows in the Journal des Debats --but it must be noticed that three departments had not then sent in their returns, nor had Algeria-so that the political sentiments of twenty-two representatives could not at that date be ascertained. "Thirty-eight departments have elected candidates who all belong to the Moderate party. They have returned 347 representatives. Fifteen departments have named candidates who all belong to the Socialist Opposition—namely, 116. Thirty departments have returned candidates belonging to the two parties, namely, Moderates 164; Socialists 101. Three departments have not yet sent in returns, but will give 11. Algeria will also give 11. There are in all eightysix departments, and 750 representatives." The following were the successful candidates for the department of the Seine: 1. Lucien Murat 5. Bedeau 6. Lamoricière 7. Dufaure 8. Moreau 9. Hippolyte Passy.. 10. Victor Hugo 11. Felix Pyat 12. Vavin. 13. De Lammenais 14. Bixio 15. Odillon Barrot 16. Theo. Bac............. 17. Cavaignac 18. Wolowski Votes. 134,825 129,068 ......... 128,087 127,098 125,101 121,632 119,373 118,146 .... 117,138 117,069 116,185 114,993 113,331 ...... 112,917 Pyat, Lammenais, Bac, Rattier, Pierre Leroux, Considerant, and Perdiguier. The other eighteen candidates were on the list of the Committee of the Rue de Poitiers. No candidate from the list of the National succeeded unless he was also included on the Socialist or Moderate list. Five Moderates whose names were substituted by the Club de Poitiers in place of MM. Dufaure, Cavaignac, Lamoricière, Lasteyrie, and Marie, on the ground that the latter were too sincerely Republican, were rejected. One of the most remarkable results of the elections was the fact that the name of Lamartine nowhere appeared in the returns. He-the idol of France one short year before, and elected then by overwhelming majorities in nine different constituencies as their representative -now could not command the suffrages of a single town, and his name seemed to be as absolutely forgotten, as though he had taken no part in the events of February, instead of having been the chief founder and architect of the Republic. The election of the President, Vice Presidents, and Secretaries of the Assembly, took place on the 1st of June. The voting for the President was as follows; the absolute majority required being 305: The following members were elected Vice Presidents-M. Baroche, General Bedeau, M. Jules de Lasteyrie, M. Denis Benoit, M. Deseze, M. de Tocqueville; and the Secretaries were M. Arnaud (de l'Ariége), Mr. Peupin, M. Lacaze, M. Chapot, M. Heckeren, M. Bèrard. On the 2nd of June the Legislative Assembly met in the old hall of the Chamber of Deputies. It was observed that the picture placed behind the Presidential chair, representing Louis Philippe taking the oath to the charter of 1830, had been covered with a green curtain. M. Keratry, the senior member, took the chair, and after the Secretary had read the procès verbal of the previous sitting he rose and said, that he anxiously desired the moment when he should resign into more able and firm hands the functions confided to him by the privilege of his age. It would be rashness on his part to present a programme to an assembly in which were so many statesmen who had rendered such eminent services to the country (murmurs on the left) and distinguished functionaries of the civil and military order. He then addressed M. Dupin, and said that as he had been the object of the almost unanimous suffrages of the Assembly (expostulations on the left), its confidence could not be better placed, and he was certain that he would respond to the expectation of the country. His opinion rested on the guarantees offered by his personal character and ratified by the choice of the noble Assembly. ("No, no," on the left.) M. Keratry then invited M. Dupin and the six secretaries to take their seats. M. Dupin ascended the tribune, and, after embracing M. Keratry, proceeded to address the Assembly. After paying a tribute of praise to M. Keratry for the talent and courage he had displayed in the discharge of his functions, he said, the Presidency was both an immense honour and a burden, painful at all times to bear, but particularly at the present period. Being a man of the law, he wished it to be every where observed. Every Assembly had its private regulations, which, being framed by itself, imposed upon it the obligation to obey them. (Murmurs on the left.) M. Dupin, turning to that side, declared that he would not suffer those of the Assembly to be violated, even in the absence of the modifications, of which from experience he demonstrated the necessity. He would employ all the firmness he was capable of, and all the strength still left him, to enforce respect for the liberty of the tribune. The minority was perhaps more interested than the majority in the tribune being free. Both should learn to listen patiently to opinions even when displeasing to them. The acts of the Legislative Assembly must exercise a decisive influence over the destinies of the country. In a Republic, particularly, union among the great powers was one of the guarantees of public repose. ("There is but one power," exclaimed the Left). M. Dupin replied that the Constitution had instituted two; and after insisting on the necessity of strictly observing the fundamental compact, he trusted that, with the help of God, the Republic would extricate itself from all its difficulties. He then concluded by crying" Vive la Republique!" General Rulhieres, of War. M. Falloux, of Public Instruction. (Loud murmurs on the left.) M. Passy, of Finance. M. Tracy, of Marine. M. Lanjuinais, of Commerce. M. Lacrosse, of Public Works. The actual changes which the former Ministry had undergone, consisted of the substitution of the names of MM. Dufaure, De Tocqueville and Lanjuinais, for those of MM. Léon Faucher, Drouyn de Lhuys, and Buffet, while MM. Barrot, Passy, Lacrosse, de Tracy, and de Falloux remained as before in the Cabinet. The chief surprise felt was at the appointment of M. Dufaure, who, at the period of the presidential election, had made himself conspicuous by his determined opposition to the claims of Louis Napoleon, and his vehement support of General Cavaignac. It was, however, thought a favourable omen of the policy of the President, that he seemed by this step to evince his resolution not to allow any private pique or dislike to interfere with the interests of the public service. The President was very anxious to deliver his message to the Assembly in person; but this was overruled by his ministers, who cited the example of the United States as a republican precedent in point, and suggested the mischievous consequences which might result if the spirit of faction in the chamber should prompt any expressions of insult towards the chief magistrate of the State. The idea was therefore abandoned, and the message was read to the Assembly. The principal passages of this important document were the following: "Gentlemen Representatives, -The Constitution obliges the President of the Republic to lay before you every year a statement of the general affairs of the country. "I conform with this obligation, which allows me, while submitting to you the truth in all its simplicity, and facts so far as they are instructive, to speak to you both of my past conduct and of my future intentions. My election to the first magistracy of the Republic was the cause of hopes, all of which could not as yet be realized. "To the very day when you are assembled within these walls the Executive Power has not enjoyed its constitutional prerogatives to their full extent. In such a position it was difficult to take a very decided course. "To promote all possible improvement and economy. "To protect the press against caprice and licentiousness. 66 To lessen the abuses of centralization. "To efface the marks of our civil discords. 66 And, finally, with respect to foreign relations, to adopt a policy alike without arrogance and without weakness. "Times and circumstances have not as yet allowed me to fulfil all these engagements, but important steps have nevertheless been taken in this direction. "The first duty of the Government was to direct all its efforts to the re-establishment of that confidence which could not be complete without a definitive power. The want of security in the present, and of faith in the future, destroys credit, stops labour, diminishes revenue both public and private, renders loans impossible, and dries up the sources of wealth. "Before confidence was restored it would have been as vain to have recourse to all the systems of credit as to the most revolutionary expedients. Abundance could not be created when fear and distrust of the morrow had produced sterility. "Even our foreign policy could "Nevertheless, I remain faithful not rise to the level of our former to my manifesto. "Indeed, to what have I pledged myself in accepting the suffrages of the nation? power, excepting when we had restored at home that which constitutes the strength of nationsviz., the union of the citizens and financial prosperity. "To attain this end, the Government could only follow a firm and resolute course, showing to all that, without departing from the prescriptions of law, it would adopt the most energetic measures for the security of society. "It generally endeavoured, therefore, to re-establish the weight of authority by employing all its care in calling to public office those men whom it judged most honourable and competent, without regard to their political antecedents. "Lest the public mind should be disturbed, the Government has deferred the project of liberating the victims of our civil discords. At the very word 'amnesty' public opinion is moved in different directions, and it has feared the return of fresh troubles. Nevertheless, I have used clemency where it has not been misplaced. "The prisons are already open for 1570 convicts of June, and the others will soon be set at liberty without any cause of apprehension to society. As for those who are condemned to the galleys by councils of war, some of them, who can be put on the same footing as political criminals, shall be placed in penitentiaries. "The course we have adopted soon restored confidence; business gained a new impulse; the savings banks were filled. Since the end of January the produce of the indirect contributions and the customs has incessantly increased; and in April was nearly equal to that of the most prosperous times. The Treasury has regained the credit of which it stood in need, and the city of Paris has been able to contract a loan almost at par-a negotiation which reminds us of the time when confidence was most securely established. The petitions for sanctioning jointstock companies (sociétés anonymes) have been multiplied; the number of patents has increased from day The weight of hazardous engagements contracted by the late Government has caused, in the course of the year 1848, an expenditure which has increased the public debt by 56,501,800f. additional rentes. "Moreover, the extraordinary expenses caused by the February revolution have produced an increase of charges, which, after every compensation, amounts to 265,498,428f. for the year 1848. In spite of the additional resources owing to the tax of 45c., and to the loans which have been negotiated, there will be a deficit of 72,160,000ƒ. "According to the budget, the year 1849 was to leave only a deficit of 25,000,000f., but facts have not agreed with calculations, and considerable changes have arisen from unforeseen circumstances. New taxes, the produce of which has been valued at more than 90,000,000f., have not been voted; while, on the other hand, not only has the tax on salt been reduced two-thirds, but the revenue from the tax on letters has fallen |