territory by depriving Austria of every pretext for entering Romagna. We might even hope that our flag, once raised without contest in the midst of Italy, would have extended its protecting influence over the whole of the Peninsula, none of whose sorrows can be to us a matter of indifference.

"The expedition to Civita Vecchia was then resolved upon in concert with the National Assembly, which voted the necessary credits. It had every chance of success; all the advices received were unanimous in announcing that at Rome, with the exception of a little knot of persons who had seized the authority for themselves, the majority of the population awaited our arrival with impatience. Common sense might have led one to expect that this was so, for the choice could scarcely be a doubtful one between our intervention and that of the other Powers.

"A train of unhappy circumstances led to a different result; our expeditionary force, of slender amount in point of numbers, for a serious resistance was not foreseen, disembarked at Civita Vecchia, and the Government had received intelligence that, could it have arrived at Rome the same day, the gates of the city would have been joyfully unclosed for its entrance. But,

whilst General Oudinot was notifying his arrival to the Government of Rome, Garibaldi was entering it at the head of a band formed of refugees from all parts of Italy, and even from the rest of Europe, and his presence, as may be conceived, gave a sudden reinforcement to the party who went for resistance.

before the walls of Rome. They were received by musketry; some few even, who had been drawn into a trap, were made prisoners. This unlooked for struggle, without making any change in the final aim of our enterprise, has paralyzed our beneficent intentions, and rendered abortive the efforts of our negotiators.

"In the north of Germany, an insurrection had compromised the independence of a State, one of the most ancient and the most faithful of the allies of France. Denmark saw the populations of Schleswig and Holstein were against her, although they recognised at the same time the authority of the Sovereign actually reigning. The Central Government of Germany deemed it its duty to decree the incorporation of Schleswig with the Confederation, because a great part of the people were of German

race.

"This measure has become the reason of a most determined war. England has offered her mediation, which has been accepted. France, Russia, and Sweden have shown themselves disposed to support Denmark.

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Negotiations opened some months back established the conclusion that Schleswig was to form, under the authority of Denmark, a separate state. But, when the principle had been once admitted, they could not come to an understanding upon the consequences which should have been deduced from it, and hostilities recommenced. The efforts of the Powers I have named tend at this moment to the conclusion of a new armistice which will be the preliminary of a definitive arrangement.

"The rest of Germany is agi

tated by grave perturbations. The efforts made by the Assembly at Frankfort in favour of German unity have provoked the resistance of several of the federal States, and brought about a conflict which, as it approaches our frontiers, will necessitate on our part an anxious overlooking. The Empire of Austria, engaged in a fearful contest with Hungary, has thought itself authorized in calling in the assistance of Russia. The intervention of this Power, the march of its armies towards the west, could not but excite to a high degree the solicitude of the Government, which has exchanged upon this subject several diplomatic notes.

"Thus there exist everywhere in Europe causes of collision which we have sought to remove, preserving, at the same time, our independence of action and proper character.

"In all these questions we have always been in agreement with England, which has given us proofs of good-will of which we should be sensible.

"Russia has recognised the Republic. The Government has concluded postal treaties to facilitate international communications with Spain and Belgium.

'In America, the condition of Monte Video is singularly modified, as we learn from the advices of the admiral who commands our naval force in those waters. Our French population has migrated from one end of the Plata to the other. This displacement of the population must necessarily call for consideration.

"To conclude, Gentlemen Representatives, if our negotiations have not obtained the success which we had a right to expect, believe that the only sentiment which ani

mates the Government of the Republic is that of the honour and interest of France.

"RESUMÉ.

"Such, Gentlemen, is a summary exposition of the actual state of the affairs of the Republic. You see that our anxieties are heavy, our difficulties great, and that we have many important questions to solve, domestic as well as foreign. Strong, however, in your support, and in that of the nation, I hope, nevertheless, to be able to raise myself to the level of the task, by following out a clear and precise course of action.

"Our duty is to distinguish between the false and true ideas which rise up out of a revolution; then, when the distinction is made, one must place one's self at the head of one class and vigorously combat the other. Truth will be found by appealing to the intelligence of all-by rejecting nothing without having studied it thoroughly-by adopting everything which shall have been submitted to the examination of competent men, and passed through the ordeal of discussion.

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After what I have just stated, two sorts of laws will be presented for your approval; the first, to reassure society and repress excess; the second, to introduce everywhere real ameliorations.

"Independently of these projects, you will have to occupy yourselves with the organic laws which the last Assembly had not the time to work out, and which are the necessary complement of the constitution.

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What precedes, Gentlemen, is, I hope, sufficient to show you that my intentions are in conformity with your own. You wish, as I do,

to work for the welfare of this people which has elected us, for the glory and prosperity of our native country, and, like me, you think that the best means of obtaining these ends are neither violence nor cunning, but firmness and justice. France confides herself to the patriotism of the Members of the Assembly; she hopes that truth, unveiled in the broad daylight of the tribune, will confound falsehood and disarm error. On its side, the Executive Power will do its duty.

"I invite under the flag of the Republic, and upon the ground of the constitution, all the men who are devoted to the safety of the country. I count upon their assistance and their intelligence to enlighten me, upon my conscience to guide me, and upon the protection of God to enable me to accomplish my mission."

The French expedition to Rome was too favourable an opportunity not to be seized by the extreme Republicans as an occasion for a violent attack upon the Ministry. And certainly the Government had placed itself in a false position, and it was impossible to defend it from the charge of having abused the power of a great nation, by directing it against the independence of a weaker State, which had only copied the example of France itself in adopting republican institu

tions.

When the Assembly met on the 11th of June, the President announced the demise of Marshal Bugeaud, which, he said, was a national calamity, for the illustrious deceased was both a great citizen and a great captain.

M. Ledru Rollin next ascended the tribune, to address interpellations to the Ministry relative to VOL. XCI.

the affairs of Rome. He thought that words were useless in the present circumstances, the more so as interpellations had hitherto had no other result than that of perverting the truth. Letters he had received in the morning from Rome, dated the evening of the 5th, stated that the French troops had been repulsed with considerable loss, and that two regiments of cavalry had been nearly destroyed by a masked battery of artillery brought to play upon them. ("We have received no such accounts," exclaimed M. de Tocqueville.) The Marseilles journals partly confirmed the statement of his correspondents. The 33d and 66th regiments suffered particularly, and the loss of the French was such that General Oudinot was obliged to demand a suspension of arms during twenty-four hours, to collect the wounded and bury the dead; which was granted by the Triumvirs. M. Ledru Rollin then proceeded to show that the instructions given by the Ministry to General Oudinot were contrary to the vote of the National Assembly of the 7th of May, and that the Government had no right to give that General orders to attack Rome and occupy it at any price. Before quitting the tribune, he announced that he had deposited on the table a formal act of accusation against the President of the Republic and his Ministers. It being indispensable, he added, to stop the effusion of blood now flowing in Rome, he moved that that document be referred immediately to the bureaux, and that the Assembly should retire forthwith to its standing committee to discuss it. ("No, no!" from the right.)

M. Odillon Barrot, who followed, said that the rumours to which M. [S]

Ledru Rollin referred had not been confirmed by the despatches the Government had received both from the French camp and its agents along the Italian coast. He also had a right to bring an act of accusation against those who had for the third time demand ed his impeachment. Were they within the limits of legality? Might they not by their unceasing provocations cause a legitimate struggle to degenerate into a sedition? He then proceeded to recapitulate all that the Government had done to convince the Romans that the French expedition had no other object than to afford them protection and liberty. When its endeavours failed, it should think of saving the honour of its diplomacy and army after exhausting all negotiations. It was only then the order to occupy Rome was given under the influence of the most imperious necessity-that of honour. M. Odillon Barrot next described all that Pius IX. had done for liberty; his clemency in amnestying all political offenders; and his establishment of the Constitutional Government in its plenitude. He then alluded to the murder of his Minister, Rossi, who had assisted the Pontiff in these reforms, and to the shameful behaviour of the deputies, who, witnesses of that cowardly deed, did not find a word of indignation to stigmatise the assassins, but quietly met to deliberate. The Pope having ultimately fled to a foreign country for personal security, the Catholic Powers became moved by the position of the Chief of Christendom. A conference was held at Gaeta, in which France participated. Various plans were suggested, but France always main tained her liberty of action, and

On the con

stipulated in favour of the rights of the Roman population, and against the re-establishment of old abuses. Had she acted otherwise she would have dishonoured herself; had she consented to supply a contingent of troops, to restore the independence of the Holy Father-had she suffered Austria, Spain, and Naples to act alonethe very men who now demanded the impeachment of Ministers for acting, would have also demanded it for not interfering. He had never pledged himself to recognise the Roman Republic. trary, he had ten times declared in the Constituent Assembly, amidst the clamours of a certain portion of the Assembly, that the Government would never recognise a Republic whose existence was menaced by an naced by an imminent crisis. France did not send an expedition to Rome to support or subvert any point of Government, but merely to protect the rights of the people, which would have been sacrificed by others, and to uphold her legitimate degree of influence in Italy. France was not alone. France could not prevent Austria, Spain, Naples, &c., from coalescing to restore the Pope to the plenitude of his independence. What could France do? What she had done. General Oudinot, on reaching Civita Vecchia, proclaimed the object of the expedition. He refused to receive the agent sent to him by the Holy See, in his anxiety to preserve to his mission its character of independence. He then opened communications with the Roman Government, and neglected no means of arriving at a reconciliation of the rights of the Holy Father, and of the population. He then advanced on Rome, to effect a reconnaissance and open more direct

communications with its Government. He presented himself as a friend, and was treated as an enemy. An ambush was laid, in which some French soldiers were killed and captured. The General withdrew, and shortly afterwards concluded an armistice with the Romans. It was under these circumstances the affair came before the Constituent Assembly onthe 7th of May. M. Drouyn de Lhuys twice ascended the tribune, and asked the Assembly if it was its intention that the French army should retrograde, and confine itself to the occupation of Civita Vecchia. Not a voice was raised to recommend that course, and M. Sénard, in the name of the committee, positively declared that such was not the meaning of the vote it submitted to the Assembly, and that it was understood that the French General should be left to act according to contingencies. M. Odillon Barrot then referred to the mission of M. Lesseps, and read a number of documents connected with it, which had been published. He cited the convention of the 29th of May, which the General had approved, and which was indignantly rejected by the Roman Constituent, together with that communicated to him by M. Lesseps, in the night of the 31st, by which the aid of France was assured to the population of the Roman States, and the latter were to consider the French as a friendly force come to assist them in the defence of their territory. By the same convention, the French were not to enter Rome, but merely to take proper exterior cantonments, both for the defence of the country and the health of the troops. The French Republic, moreover, was to guarantee the territory occupied

by its troops against any foreign invasion, &c. Now, the French General was fully justified in refusing to ratify such a disgraceful convention, and declaring the mission of M. Lesseps at an end. He was the more justified in doing so, as he received on the same evening a despatch from Paris, recalling the negotiator, and ordering him (Oudinot) to attack Rome. The General had only conformed to the orders of the Ministry by declaring the mission of M. Lesseps terminated, and the Cabinet did not hesitate to cover his conduct with their responsibility, before the Assembly and the country. M. Odillon Barrot then briefly stated all that France had done for Italy, and particularly for Sicily and Piedmont, who, to their regret, disregarded her friendly advice; and declared that the concessions subscribed to by M. Lesseps had alone encouraged the Roman Triumvirs to propose such insolent terms as those contained in the convention of the 31st of May.

M. Ledru Rollin, who next ascended the tribune, undertook to prove that the Constitution had been violated, and maintained that it was false that the Constituent Assembly had authorized the Cabinet to violate its 5th article, or to enter Rome. The French were to remain mere spectators of passing events, and to prevent the Austrians attacking the Roman Republic. "The Constitution," exclaimed M. Ledru Rollin, has been violated, and we will defend it by every possible means, even by arms." M. Ledru Rollin then descended from the tribune amidst the greatest uproar, cries of " Vive la République" from the left, and cries of "Order" from the right.

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When silence was restored, M.