tion given to it, by which it was systematically alleged that the Roman territory was in a state of anarchy, and tyrannized over by terror, exercised in the name of an odious minority. We likewise know that, in the proposed modification, the French Government sought to exercise an influence, more or less liberal, opposed to the absolutist programme of Austria and Naples. Nevertheless it is true that, whether under despotic or constitutional forms, with or without liberal guarantees for the Roman people, the ruling idea of all was to return to times gone by, and to arrange a transaction' between the Roman people and the Pope, as temporal Sovereign.

66

We cannot conceal, Sir, that the French expedition was planned and executed under the influence of that idea. The expedition had for its object, on the one hand, to throw the sword of France into the scale of negotiations about to be opened at Rome, and guarantee, on the other hand, the Roman people from any retrograde excess; but, in any case, it was resolved that a constitutional monarchy should be reconstructed in favour of the Holy Pontiff. Apart, Sir, from the information we possess relative to the concert of Austria, from the result of the several in terviews had with General Oudinot, the formal declarations given by successive agents to the Triumvirate, the silence so obstinately maintained whenever we sought to open the political question, and obtain a positive answer to the doubts suggested in our note of the 16th, we hold it to be a fact that you have the means within your power of ascertaining that the institutions by which the Roman States are now governed, arise

from the free expression of the popular voice, and from the spontaneous and inviolable wishes of the people, legally consulted. Indeed, the discussion which took place in the French National Assembly, and the vote of that body, prove in the fullest manner the truth of all we say.

In the face of such a situation, and under the menace of an inadmissible transaction,' and of negotiations which the condition of our people in no manner justifies, the part we have to play is no longer doubtful. We owe it to

our country, to France, to all Europe, to fulfil honourably, and to the last, the mission with which we are charged-freely given, and freely accepted-namely, to maintain for our country, as far as it is possible, the inviolability of its territory, and of the institutions legally proclaimed. We desired time to appeal to France well informed from France badly informed, in order that the Republic might be saved from the stain and remorse which it must suffer if, carried along by bad foreign advice, she becomes, almost at the moment of her own creation, the accomplice of a crime for which we can find no parallel without reverting to the year 1772, and the first division of Poland. We owe it to Europe to maintain, as much as depends on us, the fundamental principle of international life, and the independence of every people as far as their internal affairs are concerned. We say this without pride, for, whilst it is with enthusiasm that we resist the invasion of the Italian monarchy, and our eternal enemy, Austria, it is with profound grief that we are compelled to oppose a French army, as we think we have de

served, in following the line just pointed out, credit, not only from our own country, but from all European people, and especially from France.

"We come now, Sir, to the actual question. You are aware, Sir, of all the circumstances that have occurred since the French invasion. Our territory has been violated by the King of Naples; 4000 Spaniards embarked on the 17th, directed to our coast to invade it; the Austrians, after having overcome the heroic resistance of Bologna, have advanced into the Romagna, and are now in full march for Ancona.

"We have beaten and expelled from our territory the forces of the King of Naples. We will do the same with those of Austria if the position of the French army does not interfere with our operations.

"It is with regret that we thus speak; but it must be known, Sir, how much the French expedition to Cività Vecchia costs us at pre

sent.

"It is painful to affirm these things; but we state that of all the interventions by which we are now oppressed, that of France has been to us the most fatal. Against the soldiers of Naples and Austria we can freely fight, and God will protect the just cause; but we do not wish to fight against the French. We are, as respects France, in a state, not of war, but of defence. But this position— the only one we wish to maintain when we meet Frenchmen-has for us all the inconvenience, without any of the favourable chances of war.

"France has the choice of only three roles for its action in the Roman States-France must de

To declare against us, is to destroy, without any motive, public liberty, the national life of a friendly people, and to fight side by side with the Austrians.

She

"France cannot do so. cannot begin an European war for the sake of our friendship. Let her then remain neuter in the struggle between us and our enemies. This day we demand only her neutrality.

"The occupation of Cività Vecchia is a fact accomplished. France thinks it wrong, in the actual state of things, to remain far from the field of action. She thinks that,

whether we be conquerors or conquered, we have need of her mediating influence or of her protection. We do not agree with her, but we let her think so. Let her therefore remain at Cività Vecchia. Let her even extend her camp, as the number of her troops now require space, to the salubrious country between Cività Vecchia and Viterbo. Let her there await the issue of the battle which must ere long take place."

M. Lesseps afterwards proposed the following as the terms of an amicable arrangement of the dispute:

"1. The Roman States claim the fraternal protection of the French Republic.

"2. The Roman people have the right to pronounce freely on the form of their Government.

"3. Rome will receive the French army as an army of brothers. The military service of the city will be performed conjointly

with the Roman troops, and the Roman civil and military authorities will continue to exercise their functions according to their legal attributes."

This note, however, met with no favourable response, and on the 29th, M. Lesseps and General Oudinot sent a joint ultimatum, which was read by Signor Mazzini to the Costituente, and referred to their judgment. It admitted the right of the Roman people to pronounce freely on its form of Government; omitted the former express demand to enter Rome, but made the Romans invite the aid of the French army as a "friendly army;" claimed for that army to encamp where it might think fit; and repeated the offer to guarantee the occupied territory. As a modification, the Triumvirs proposed that the French should put aside all appearance of hostility, and should be at liberty to choose any salubrious camp, but that Rome should be "sacred." Their communication reached M. Lesseps on the night of the 30th. Next day he repaired to Rome; and with the Triumvirs signed a convention, differing from that which he and General Oudinot jointly proposed, in promising the support of France to the Romans by its defending army. When M. Lesseps returned to the French camp, General Oudinot refused to sign the last convention; he protested against it as contrary to the instructions of the French Government, and therefore void; and he declared M. Lesseps' mission at an end. That evening he wrote to the Triumvirs, announcing that he must consider the convention as if it had never been drawn up, and must act immediately on the refusal of the ultimatum. In a

despatch to the French Minister of War, General Oudinot said:"Our military honour, in accordance with my instructions, forbade me to put my name to an act which opposed my entrance to Rome."

He now made vigorous preparations for the instant prosecution of the siege, and took possession of Monte Mario, an important height commanding the walls of the city, a movement which the Romans did not oppose, under the idea, encouraged in them by M. Lesseps (who seems to have thought that General Oudinot would ultimately yield to his views), that this was only a precautionary measure in anticipation of the advance of the Austrians.

On the 2nd and 3rd of June some sharp fighting occurred in the immediate vicinity of the Villa Pamfili Doria, which was taken and retaken several times, and at last destroyed by fire. The French now began to make regular approaches to the walls by means of trenches, and several days were occupied in bringing the besieging lines sufficiently close to the city for a general attack.

On the 12th of June everything was in readiness for an assault, but before commencing it, General Oudinot addressed to the President of the Roman Assembly a letter, inclosing the following proclamation, to which he called upon him to give instant publicity :

"Inhabitants of Rome,-We come not to bring you war, we come to consolidate order and liberty amongst you. The intentions of our Government have been misunderstood. The siege works have brought us before your ramparts. Until the present moment we have replied but at rare intervals to the fire of your batteries.

injury caused to the battery No. 5 by the fire of the preceding day, was repaired during the night. This work was not interrupted. On their part, the enemy re-established the épaulement which had been demolished, and surmounted it with loopholes, by means of which a continual fire of musketry has been maintained. This fire has not been stopped, although several discharges of grape have been made for that purpose. The enemy took advantage of the slightest shelter to fire through the embrasures with perseverance and resolution. The fire from the scarp, which, during the preceding day, had annoyed the batteries 5 and 6, has been renewed, and has not ceased to cut up the ground. It has been ascertained that this fire proceeded from an interior work, not far distant from the gate Saint Pancrazio. The battery No. 4 has been again employed in levelling the bags of earth raised at night by the enemy. It subsequently fired with effect at the breach. Towards four o'clock, an effort was made to batter the walls three yards lower. We have not yet ascertained the effect of the fire on the wall, which is built of brick. There were seventy-seven shots of 24 lbs. weight, and seventy of 16 lbs. fired from the battery. mortar battery fired on an average four bombs per hour during the night into the bastions 6 and 7 ; but this fire was not sufficient to prevent the works from being repaired. The fire from the batteries 1 and 2 has been maintained with much vivacity. The first has fired four shells and ten shots of 16 lbs. weight, to destroy the upper defences of the bastion No. 6. The battery No. 2 has fired forty shots on the enemy's batteries of Testac

The