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Wilson is an influential member of the Upper Canada Conservative party; and Mr. Galt's views are the more important because he has been returned to Parliament only a few days ago by a Lower Canadian constituency which comprises a large British population. Generally, however, as the amendments they have moved to the address show, they desire to avoid committing themselves on this point. The votes against the address may be thus classed-Sir A. M.Nab and his party, my late Ministers and their party, and Mr. Papineau. The first acts with perfect consistency in voting as he has done on this question; for he has always contended that government conducted on the British principle is unsuited to Canada. The course of the second class is less intelligible, for, until the day on which they resigned their offices into my hands, they uniformly expressed approval of the principles on which my conduct as Governor-General was guided; and these, as your Lordship well knows, have undergone no change with the change of Administration. Mr. Papineau's vote conveys a useful lesson, which will not, I trust, be lost on persons who had been induced to believe that the persecution of which I am now the object is really attributable to my having shown undue lenity to those who were led by him into rebellion."

The address to which Lord Elgin here alludes was carried in the Assembly, which met on the 27th, at the Bon Secours Market Hall, under the protection of a guard of soldiers. A stormy debate ensued, in which Sir Allan M'Nab distinguished himself by the violence of his invective against the Ministry. After, however, various amendments had been moved by the Op

position, or British Party, as it was called, an address in favour of Government was carried by a majority of 36 to 16.

The feelings of the inhabitants of Montreal were of a very different character, and on the same day a crowded meeting was held on the parade-ground of the Champ de Mars, at which it was resolved to address the Queen in a petition, the terms of which sufficiently indicate the deep disquiet with which the Rebellion Losses Indemnity Act is regarded by them, and the reason alleged for their hostility to the measure. It was as follows:

"The Humble Petition of the undersigned your Majesty's dutiful and loving subjects, residing in the Province of Canada, sheweth, That your Majesty's representative in this Province, the Right Honourable the Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, by giving the Royal Assent to a Bill for compensating rebels for losses inflicted by your Majesty's troops, and by others of your loyal subjects acting under the orders of your Majesty's officers, hath seriously impaired your Majesty's Royal authority, and endangered the peace and tranquillity of the Province.

"That your petitioners feel most acutely the outrage thus offered to your Majesty's Royal authority, and the insult to themselves; an outrage and an insult, they believe, unexampled in the history of nations, and which strikes at the foundations of allegiance and obedience, which are reciprocal with government and protection.

"And they humbly pray that your Majesty will graciously be pleased to recall the said Earl of Elgin and Kincardine from the government of this province, which he can no longer administer with

safety to the State or honour to your Majesty; and that your Majesty will also disallow the said Bill, which is an insult and a robbery to every man who in the time of trial stood forth to defend your Majesty's Crown and dignity."

On the 31st of May the Parliament was prorogued. Throughout the rest of the year the conduct of the "British" Party was marked by sullen discontent, and men began to speak openly of withdrawing their allegiance from the British Crown, which, they said, had abandoned them for the sake of rebels. In the month of October a document appeared at Montreal which excited great attention. It was signed by 325 persons, most of whom were of local note and influence, and was called A Declaration in favour of Annexation to the United States." Amongst the reasons for advocating such a step, the follow ing account was given of the present position of Canada.

The declaration states in the outset, that the declarators belong to all parties, origins, and creeds; animated by a desire to combine for the purposes of inquiry and preparation with a view to the adoption of such remedies as a mature and dispassionate investigation may suggest. It then proceeds thus:-"The reversal of the ancient policy of Great Britain, whereby she withdrew from her colonies their wonted protection in her markets, has produced the most disastrous effects upon Canada. In surveying the actual condition of the country, what but ruin or rapid decay meets the eye? Our Provincial Government and civic corporations embarrassed; our banking and other securities greatly depreciated; our mercantile and agricultural interests alike

unprosperous; real estate scarcely saleable upon any terms; our unrivalled rivers, lakes, and canals, almost unused, whilst commerce abandons our shores; the circulating capital amassed under a more favourable system is dissipated, with none from any quarter to replace it. Thus, without available capital, unable to effect a loan with foreign States, or with the mother country, although offering security greatly superior to that which readily obtains money both from the United States and Great Britain when other than colonists are the applicants; crippled, therefore, and checked in the full career of private and public enterprise, this possession of the British Crown -our country-stands before the world in humiliating contrast with its immediate neighbours, exhibiting every symptom of a nation fast sinking to decay.

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With cheap water-power and cheap labour, we have yet no domestic manufactures; and while the adjoining States are covered with a network of thriving railways, Canada possesses but three lines. Our form of Provincial Government is cumbrous; the bitter animosities of political parties and factions, often leading to violence, and on one occasion to civil war, seem not to have abated with time, and are in no prospect of abatement, but the aspect of parties is daily more threatening; and under existing institutions and relations there is little hope of a peaceful or prosperous administration of affairs. Among the statesmen of the mother country-the sagacious ob servers of the neighbouring Republic-in Canada-in all British North America-there is a strong pervading conviction that a political revolution is at hand."

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It is impossible to deny that the relations between Canada and the mother country are in a very critical state. And there are not wanting politicians at home who openly advocate the expediency of separation, on the ground chiefly of the great expense without adequate return which the possession of this Colony entails upon Great Britain. Nothing seems likely to precipitate such an event than a course of policy which tends to alienate the affections and kindle the mistrust of the inhabitants of Upper Canada; and on this account, although we believe that the obnoxious Bill of Indemnification was sanctioned by Lord Elgin with an honest conviction that it was a just and equitable measure, it is much to be deplored that such an occasion for misconstruction of motives, and the revival of political feuds between the two provinces, should have occurred.

UNITED STATES. On the 5th of March the newly-elected President, General Taylor, entered upon the duties of his office, and communicated to Congress the following inaugural Address:

"Elected by the American people to the highest office known to our laws, I appear here to take the oath prescribed by the constitution; and in compliance with a time-honoured custom, to address those who are now assembled. The confidence and respect shown by my countrymen, in calling me to be the chief magistrate of a Republic holding a high rank among the nations of the earth, have inspired me with feelings of the most profound gratitude; but, when I reflect that the acceptance of the office which their partiality has bestowed imposes the discharge of

the most arduous duties, and in volves the weightiest obligations, I am conscious that the position which I have been called to fill, though sufficient to satisfy the loftiest ame bition, is surrounded by fearful responsibilities. Happily, however, in the performance of my new duties, I shall not be without able co-operation. The Legislative and Judicial branches of the Government present prominent examples of distinguished civil attainments and matured experience; and it shall be my endeavour to call to my assistance in the Executive departments, individuals whose talents, integrity, and purity of chas racter, will furnish ample guaran tees for the faithful and honourable performance of the trusts to be committed to their charge. With such aids, and an honest purpose to do whatever is right, I hope to execute diligently, impartially, and for the best interests of the country, the manifold duties devolved upon me. In the discharge of these duties my guide will be the Constitution, which I this day swear to preserve, protect, and defend. For the interpretation of that instrument I shall look to the decisions of the judicial tribunals established by its authority, and to the practice of the Government under the earlier Presidents, who had so large a share in its formation. To the example of those illustrious patriots I shall always defer with reverence, and espe cially to his example who was, by so many titles, the father of his country. To command the army and navy of the United States, with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, and to appoint ambassadors and other of ficers; to give to Congress information of the state of the Union,

and recommend such measures as He shall judge to be necessary, and to take care that the laws shall be faithfully executed-these are the most important functions intrusted to the President by the Constitution, and it may be expected that I shall briefly indicate the principles which will control me in their execution. Chosen by the body of the people, under the assurance that my administration would be devoted to the welfare of the whole country, and not to the support of any particular section or merely local interest, I this day renew the declarations I have heretofore made, and proclaim my fixed determination to maintain, to the extent of my ability, the Govern ment in its original purity, and to adopt as the basis of my public policy those great Republican doctrines which constitute the strength of our national existence. In reference to the army and navy, lately employed with so much distinction in active service, care shall be taken to insure the highest condition of efficiency; and, in furtherance of that object, the military and naval schools, sustained by the liberality of Con gress, shall receive the special attention of the Executive. As American freemen, we cannot but sympathize in all efforts to extend the blessings of civil and political liberty; but, at the same time, we are warned by the admonitions of history and the voice of our own beloved Washington, to abstain from entangling alliances with foreign nations. In all disputes between conflicting Governments, it is our interest, not less than our duty, to remain strictly neutral, while our geographical position, the genius of our institutions and our people, the advancing spirit of

civilization, and, above all, the dictates of religion, direct us to the cultivation of peaceful and friendly relations with all other Powers. It is to be hoped that no international question can now arise which a Government, confident in its own strength and resolved to protect its own just rights, may not settle by wise negotiation; and it eminently becomes a Government like our own, founded on the morality and intelligence of its citizens, and upheld by their affections, to exhaust every resort of honourable diplomacy before appealing to arms. In the conduct of our foreign relations I shall conform to these views, as I believe them essential to the best interests and the true honour of the country. The appointing power vested in the President imposes delicate and onerous duties. So far as it is possible to be informed, I shall make honesty, capacity, and fidelity indispensable pre-requisites to the bestowal of office; an absence of either of these qualities shall be deemed sufficient cause for removal. It shall be my study to recommend such Constitutional measures to Congress as may be necessary and proper to secure encouragement and protection to the great interests of agriculture, commerce and manufactures; to improve our rivers and harbours; to provide for the speedy extinguishment of the public debt; to enforce a strict accountability on the part of all officers of the Government, and the utmost economy in all public expenditures; but it is for the wisdom of Congress itself, in which all legislative powers are vested by the Constitution, to regulate these and other matters of domestic policy. I shall look with confidence to the enlightened patriotism of that body to adopt such

measures of conciliation as may harmonize conflicting interests, and tend to perpetuate that union which should be the paramount object of our hopes and affections. In any action calculated to promote an object so near to the heart of every one who truly loves his country, I will zealously unite with the co-ordinate branches of the Government. In conclusion, I congratulate you, my fellow-citizens, upon the high state of prosperity to which the goodness of Divine Providence has conducted our common country. Let us invoke a continuance of the same protecting care which has led us from small beginnings to the eminence we this day occupy; and let us seek to deserve that continuance by prudence and moderaration in our councils-by welldirected attempts to assuage the bitterness which too often marks unavoidable differences of opinion -by the promulgation and practice of just and liberal principles -and by an enlarged patriotism which shall acknowledge no limits but those of our own wide-spread Republic."

The Cabinet of the new President was composed of the following Members:

Secretary of State,-Mr. John M. Clayton.

Secretary of the Treasury,-Mr. W. M. Meredith.

was entirely Whig, i. e. Conservative (for, as we have in a former volume explained, party epithets have not the same signification across the Atlantic as in this country), and it was generally regarded with respect and confidence. The Ministers were men of distinguished abilities, and moderate opinions, and their appointment promised well for the future policy of the President.

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.-On the 24th of December General Taylor delivered his message to the 31st Congress of the United States, from which we make the following extracts.

"Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives,—

"Sixty years have elapsed since the establishment of this Government, and the Congress of the United States again assembles to legislate for an empire of freemen. The predictions of evil prophets who formerly pretended to foretel the downfall of our institutions are now remembered only to be derided; and the United States of America at this moment present to the world the most stable and permanent Government on earth.

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Secretary of the Home Department, and the transmission of it ment, Mr. T. H. Ewing. unimpaired to posterity.

Secretary of the Navy,-Mr. W. B. Preston.

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Postmaster General, Mr. Jacob Collamer.

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We are at peace with all the world, and seek to maintain our cherished relations of amity with the rest of mankind. During the Secretary of War,-Mr. G. W. past year we have been blessed Crawford. by a kind Providence with an Attorney General, Mr. R. abundance of the fruits of the Johnson. earth; and although the destroy

The complexion of the Ministry ing angel for a time visited exten

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