The next proposition relative to Irish affairs was for a grant out of the Imperial Exchequer of 50,000l. to certain distressed Unions, which was brought forward by the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 7th of February. This Motion produced a discussion of some interest. In his introductory statement, Sir Charles Wood explained that in a great part of the south and north of Ireland no aid was needed, but there were Unions in other districts in which it was absolutely requisite to prevent starvation. He described particularly the circumstances of some of these Unions. The potato had been planted in the former season most extensively, and the failure had been again as complete as in 1846, with a corresponding increase of pauperism. Emigration had been going on to an unprecedented extent. The land owners were rapidly undergoing a process of impoverishment: the resident proprietors of whole districts were returned as defaulters their lands lying waste.

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Sir Charles proposed to grant aid from the Consolidated Fund, through the machinery of an Act of Parliament, and not by a vote in supply as last year. A sum of 78,000l. had been received for the Consolidated Fund in repayment of Burgoyne advances," and further sums were likely to come in: then, of the 1,700,000l. issuable under the Commission, 106,000l. had been saved by careful regulations, independently of the 100,000l. carried to account last year. These moneys were the most convenient fund to apply to for the aid proposed; and Sir Charles therefore proposed to take from them the sum of 50,000l. He could not be certain more would not be required; but a larger

grant in the first instance would excite great expectations and great demands. His Motion was

"That the Commissioners of the Treasury be authorized to direct the issue out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom of any sum not exceeding 50,000l., for affording relief to certain Poor Law Unions in Ireland."

Mr. Poulett Scrope assented to the principle that relief must be given in some cases; but he moved an Amendment pledging the House that no money should be appropriated from the general taxation to any Union except on conditionsfirst, that repayment be secured by a lien on the rateable property of that Union; and second, that the expenditure be made as far as possible in the productive employment of the able-bodied poor. He desired to put an end to the unprofitable employment of men in Unions, and to set them to work on the waste lands.

Mr. H. Herbert, Mr. E. B. Roche, and Mr. Fagan supported the Motion, on the ground that its rejection would be sentence of death to thousands in Ireland, and because no other instant remedy was proposed. Mr. Christopher asserted the broad principle that Ireland should maintain its own poor. Sir John Walsh reverted in terms of regret to the late Lord G. Bentinck's proposition for aiding Irish Railways. Mr. Hume opposed the grant as part of a neverending and ruinous system. Mr. French also opposed it. Mr. Stafford contended that a grant of 50,000l. was utterly inadequate to save 1,500,000 starving people in the Connaught Unions from death. Ten more Unions were fast falling into the same gulf of destitution. The great aim of Government

should be to reduce the area of rating.

But the speech of Sir James Graham was that which made the most impression on the House. He stated his views with remarkable condensation.

"Feeling jealous as to the relation of debtor and creditor now existing between England and Ireland-he would rather make a gift than a loan. Should that gift, then, be laid out as Ministers proposed, or in productive labour? Considering the recent example of a neighbouring country-the doctrines promulgated in the last eight months, and the establishment of national workshops in France-he thought the inferences against the Amendment were irresistible. There remained the Ministerial plan; and he sup ported that on two grounds, alleged by Irishmen. A report by the Irish Poor-Law Commission established that but for the public advances in 1847, and the private munificence of the British public, some 200,000 persons must have perished by starvation. Those funds were now exhausted. The question, therefore, was one of life and death of inevitable death, with all the horrors of starvation. But, secondly, this has been called a stopgap.' He did not hesitate to say this must be the last vote, and he should agree to it distinctly on that ground; with the feeling that the time had clearly come when Ministers must carefully review the whole subject of local taxation in Ireland, and come forward with a general proposition embracing not only that but many other subjects." Sir James concluded by declaring his intention to vote with the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Mr. Disraeli urged upon the

Government the necessity of introducing a comprehensive measure relative to the local taxation of Ireland. Lord John Russell, in a short speech, proposed the adjournment of the debate, disclaiming, however, on the part of the Government, any comprehensive plan for remedying Irish distress,

Upon the discussion being renewed on the 13th, Mr. Grattan moved as an Amendment, that the Excise collected in Ireland should be applied to the relief of the poor. He animadverted rather severely upon the absentee landlords, whom Mr. Ormsby Gore vindicated, while he opposed the grant under discussion.

Mr. Stafford, after briefly recapitulating what had recently been done by this country in the way of charity to Ireland, found it impossible to congratulate the House upon the prospect before it, seeing that the grant now sought was but the first of a new series. The 50,000l. demanded constituted a sum which was to be applied to the sustenance of the population of twenty-one bankrupt Unions, and nine others in which serious financial embarrassments were apprehended. To maintain the people in these thirty Unions would require at least half a million of money; in other words, ten such grants as that now sought. Besides, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had greatly understated his case, for he would find that in the course of a few months he would have to add several others to the category in which the nine were placed. What would be the result of the continuance of this system? Judging from past experience, the country would be the scene of greater desolation and more hopeless misery

He

in February 1850 than now. then inveighed against the present area of taxation in Ireland, and the pusillanimity of the Government in not being prepared with measures for the modification of the Irish Poor Law, the time for inquiry and deliberation being past. The Government said that if this grant was refused the people would starve; but on the Government lay the responsibility of the predicament. The honourable Gentleman concluded by moving, as an Amendment, the addition to the resolution of words to the effect, that a statement should have accompanied the proposed grant of the whole sum likely to be required for the purposes to which that grant was to be applied; that the system involved in such grants was vicious in principle, unjust in practice, and impolitic with respect to the suffering districts themselves; and that it was the duty of the Government to introduce, without delay, measures which would in future obviate the necessity of applying to Parliament for such grants.

Lord John Russell was relieved at finding that the honourable Gentleman was not disposed to refuse the grant now demanded, whatever might be his opinion and that of others with respect to the conduct of the Government. He was glad to find that, instead of opposing the Motion submitted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the honourable Gentleman confined himself to moving an Amendment on the subject of the conduct of the Government, although his course in moving the Amendment could hardly be defended. The policy now pursued by the Government was in conformity with pre

cedent, votes with a similar object having been proposed by former Governments, and proceedings afterwards taken according to the necessity of the case, as the session went on. But, in addition to this, it appeared to him that the course proposed was, under all the circumstances of the case, the best that could be pursued. Yet it was for proposing it that the Government was to be virtually censured by the first branch of the Amendment. The noble Lord then, in vindicating the policy of the Government, proceeded to show what had been done, and what it was proposed to do. The relation of property to the poor in Ireland had been greatly changed. About five-sixths of the sums raised for the support of the poor, last year, had been procured from the property of Ireland. It could no longer, therefore, be said that the support of the Irish poor was thrown upon the people of England. It was the consideration that they were not so that would now render the House all the more ready to meet an evil which recent legislation had tended not to enlarge, but to bring within a narrow and more manageable compass. As to the prospects to be held out for the future, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had no recollection of having said that this was to be but the first grant of a series. All that he had said was, that he could not pledge himself that it would be the only grant asked during the session. In this he (Lord J. Russell) concurred, thinking that nothing would be more unwise than that the Government should pledge itself against asking for a further grant, should circumstances render such a course necessary. He had

impose on Ireland separate national taxation for the wants of particular localities, so long as the revenues of Ireland are paid into the Imperial Exchequer. He insisted that industrious Ulster should not be taxed any more than the industry of England; and he would not advance a farthing from any source without making the lands of particular districts answerable for the repayment.

This Amendment was negatived by 139 to 15. Sir John Walsh then threatened to divide the House against the original Motion. Mr. Napier also vigorously opposed the Premier's proposition.

Mr.

Disraeli made some sarcastic reflections on the conduct of the Ministers, whom he described as trifling with the House. Lord John Russell recriminated on Mr. Disraeli. Mr. Henry Herbert, Sir H. Barron, Viscount Castlereagh, Mr. Grogan, Mr. Ker, and Sir Wm. Verner spoke in condemnation of the intended scheme. Mr. John O'Connell and Mr. Reynolds thought that Lord John Russell ought to be allowed to make his statement. The Motion that the Speaker should leave the Chair was ultimately carried by 195 to 96, but no farther progress was made on that day. On the 3rd of March, the House having again gone into Committee

In

Lord John Russell rose to move the resolution above stated. doing so, the noble Lord first proceeded to state what appeared to him to be the general working of the Poor Law in Ireland. The main object for which the law had been imposed had, to a great extent, been accomplished; but there were serious defects in it, which required for their correction the earnest consideration of the House.

With a view to the removal of these defects, it had appeared to him, and he had laid a resolution to that effect before the Select Committee, that it was expedient that there should be a rate in the dif ferent electoral divisions beyond which rating in the divisions should not further be carried. What he had proposed in Committee was, that the maximum rate should not extend beyond 58. in the pound in the electoral divisions, and that when a larger rate was required it should be levied upon the Union, to an extent not exceeding 2s. in the pound, thus making 7s. in the pound the maximum rate to which any of the electoral divisions would be subjected. This was a proposal in reference to which the Committee wished to go into evidence before deciding upon it. He had, therefore, consented to withdraw his resolution, so that the Committee might go into evidence upon the subject. He did not now intend to make any proposition to the House in regard to a maximum rate, on which he would wait for the decision of the Committee. He thought it right, however, to say that it was the opinion of the Government that, in the present circumstances of Ireland, a maximum rate was most desirable. The Government would not be precluded from proposing such a rate, even should the decision of the Select Committee be adverse to it. There were other proposals for the correction of the Irish Poor Law, in reference to which he had not yet asked the opinion of the Select Committee, but in respect to which some propositions would probably ere long be laid before the House. One alteration contemplated was, that when improvements had been effected on the land, there should not, for