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church, shall be reported a capital enemy to this kingdom and commonwealth.

"2. Whoever shall counsel or advise the taking and levying of the subsidies of tonnage and poundage, not being granted by parliament; or shall be an actor or instrument therein, shall be likewise reported an innovator on the government, and a capital enemy to this kingdom and commonwealth.

"3. If any merchant, or other person whatsoever, shall voluntarily yield or pay the said subsidies of tonnage and poundage, not being granted by parliament; he shall, likewise, be reputed a betrayer of the liberty of England, and an enemy to the same.'

When the protestation had been read and agreed to, the house rose, having protracted their sitting about two hours. In the meantime the king, hearing that their sitting was continued in disregard of his command for adjournment, endeavoured to remove them. He first sent a messenger

for the serjeant with his mace,-that by removing it from the table an end might be put to the sitting. But the serjeant was detained, and the key of the door taken from him, and given to a member to keep. The king next sent the usher of the black rod, as for a dissolution; but being informed that neither the usher nor his message would be received, he became enraged, and sent the captain of the pensioners, with his guard, with orders to force open the door. But before that extreme step could be taken, the house had risen and adjourned to the 10th of March.1

The king was now roused to violent action: he published a proclamation, signifying his intention to dissolve the parliament, on account of the disobedient and seditious carriage of ill-affected persons of the house of commons; and he entered upon a course of relentless persecution of the unfortunate patriots. Without waiting for the actual dissolution, Sir John Elliot, Selden, Holles, Stodart, Hayman,

1 Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 330. Lingard's History of England, vol. vii. p. 347.

Coriton, Long, Valentine, and Stroud, were summoned before the privy council; and after having been questioned as to the parts they had respectively taken in preventing the Speaker adjourning the house, according to the king's commard, they were committed to prison. The king's speech, when dissolving the parliament, manifested his anger and intemperance. He addressed the lords only, although many of the commons were at the bar. He never came there, he said, "on so unpleasing an occasion, it being for the dissolution of the parliament. Many may wonder why I did not rather choose to do this by commission, it being a general maxim of kings to lay harsh commands by their ministers, themselves only executing pleasing things. But I thought it necessary to come here this day to declare to you, my lords, and all the world, that it was only the disobedient carriage of the lower house that hath caused this dissolution at this time; and that you, my lords, are far from the causers of it. Nor do I lay the fault equally upon all the lower house; for as I know there are many dutiful and loyal subjects there, so I know that it was only some vipers amongst them that had cast this mist of difference before their

eyes.'

This was the third parliament that the king had dissolved in anger within only four years. We may not hesitate to consider these dissolutions impolitic and abrupt, if Clarendon, the historian and apologist of Charles, has so viewed them. "The abrupt and unkind breaking off," says Lord Clarendon, "the two first parliaments, was wholly imputed to the Duke of Buckingham, and of the third, principally to the Lord Weston, then lord high treasurer of England. . . . No man," he observes, can show me a source from whence those waters of bitterness, afterwards tasted, more probably flowed than from these unreasonable, unskilful, and precipitate dissolutions, in which, by an unjust survey of the passion, insolence, and ambition of particular persons, the court measured the temper and affection of the country; and, by the same standard, the people considered 1 Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 333.

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the honour, justice, and piety of the court; and so usually parted, at those sad seasons, with no other respect and charity one towards the other, than accompanies persons who never meant to meet but in their own defence. In which the king had always the disadvantage to harbour persons about him, who, with their utmost industry, false information, and malice, improved the faults and infirmities of the court to the people; and, again, as much as in them lay, rendered the people suspected, if not odious to the king."

1 Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. i. pp. 4, 5.

CHAPTER XVI.

CHARLES I.

FROM THE DISSOLUTION OF THE THIRD PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I., AND DURING THE INTERVAL OF TWELVE YEARS WITHOUT A PARLIAMENT, THROUGH HIS FOURTH PARLIAMENT, AND PART OF THE FIFTH OR LONG PARLIAMENT, TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE CIVIL WAR.

Royal Proclamation putting down Parliament.-Its Effect.-Proceedings against the Members.-Some of the Popular Party accept Office. -The King's Proceedings to raise Money.-Knighthood.-Ancient Forest Laws.--Ship-money.-Nature of the Writs.-Judges' Extrajudicial Opinion.-Hampden's Resistance.-His Case argued, and Judgment against him.-Exactions of the Council and Star-chamber. —Disturbance with Scotland.—An Army marched to Scotland, Negotiations, and the English Army disbanded.-King's Necessities oblige him to call a Parliament.-Fourth Parliament, 1640.-Long Parliament. The Royal Speech.-Committees for Grievances appointed. -Debate on Grievances.-Lords punish the Clerk of the Privy Council. -Impeachment of Earl of Strafford.-Of Sir Francis Windebanke. -Convocation condemned.-Ship-money.-Resolutions condemning Ship-money.-Monopolists expelled. — Impeachments. Assistance voted to the Scotch.—Petition against Bishops.—Royal Speech.-Some Puritan Leaders accept Office under the King.—Rapid Descent of Executive Power.-Judges' Appointments during Good Behaviour.—Triennial Act passed.-Act for Relief of the Army.-The Parliament made Indissoluble.-Tonnage and Poundage granted for Two Months.-Acts abolishing Star-chamber and High Commission Courts.-Royal Speech. -Acts abolishing Ship-money.-For Certainty of the Forests.—Concerning Knighthood.-Effect of the Legislation.-King's Absence in Scotland, and Popularity on his Return.-The Grand Remonstrance.Delivered to the King.—Analysis of it.—Attempt to Estimate it.-King charged by Parliament with Breach of Privilege.-Attempted Seizure of the five Members.-Lord Falkland and others become the King's Minis

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ters.—Charge against the five Members.-The Sergeant-at-Arms demands them.-—-King goes to the House of Commons to demand them. -Voted a Breach of Privilege.-Pym's Speech in Answer to the Charge.-The King pursues the Members into the City.—The King quits London. He withdraws his Charge against the five Members, and tries to reconcile Parliament.-Royal Assent to Bills for Tonnage and Poundage.—For removing Temporal Power of the Clergy.—He refuses Assent to Militia Ordinances.-Repetition of the Parliamentary Demands.-The King's Speech on Refusal.-Review of the Impending Contest.-Civil War commenced.

CHARLES followed up the dissolution of his third parliament, by publishing a declaration of the causes which moved him to dissolve it; and shortly afterwards, by a proclamation of unparalleled daring, in which he asserted absolute power over the parliament and people. Referring to rumours spread by ill-disposed persons, he thought it expedient to make known his royal pleasure, that he did not purpose to overcharge his subjects by any new burden, but to satisfy himself with the duties received by his father, which he neither could nor would dispense with. And as to false rumours that he was about again to call a parliament, he said, that although he had showed, by his frequent meeting with his people, his love to the use of parliaments, yet the late abuse having, for the present, driven him out of that course, he should account it presumption for any to prescribe any time to him for parliaments: the calling, continuing, and dissolving them being always in the king's own power. He should be more inclinable to meet a parliament again, when his people should see more clearly into his intents and actions; when such as had bred this interruption should receive their condign punishment; and those that were misled by them and such ill reports, should come to a better understanding of him and themselves.1

Such a proclamation could only have been issued by a king conscious of his power and resolved to use it; and could only have been received with silent acquiescence by a people who acknowledged that power and their inability to 1 Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 391.