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Upon the decease of my wife it is my will and desire that all my slaves, which I hold in my own right, shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life, would, though earnestly wished, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriages with the dower negroes, as to create the most fearful sensation, if not disagreeable consequences from the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor; it not being in my power under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held to manumit them. And, whereas, among those who will receive their freedom according to this clause, there may be some who, from old age, or bodily infirmities, and others who, on account of their infancy, will be unable to support themselves; it is my will and desire that all who come under the first and second descriptions shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or, if living, are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years; and, in cases where no record can be produced whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgment of the court, upon its own view of the subject, shall be adequate and final. The negroes, thus bound, are by their masters and mistresses to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeable to the laws of the commonwealth of Virginia, providing

for the support of orphans and other poor children.

And I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said commonwealth, of any slave I may die possessed of under any pretence whatever. And I do, moreover, pointedly, and most solemnly enjoin it upon my executors hereafter named, or the survivor of them, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part thereof, be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at which it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which are then on the ground are harvested. Particularly as it respects the aged and infirm, seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established for their support, as long as there are subjects requiring it, not trusting to the uncertain provisions to be made by individuals. And to my mulatto man William (calling himself William Lee), I give immediate freedom, or, if he should prefer it on account of the accidents which have befallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking, or of active employment, to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional for him to do so; in either case, however, I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his natural life, which shall be independent of the victuals and clothes he has been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative, but in full with his freedom if he prefers the "first. And this I give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful service during the revolutionary

war.

The Charleston Mercury, after having incautiously recommended the Rev. J. H. Hinton's History of America, warns the public against it, as follows:

"Abolition Villany.-Our readers will remember that we gave a favourable notice some weeks ago of a work, entitled, The History and Topography of the United States of North America, &c. &c. Edited by John Howard Hinton, A. M. With additions and corrections. By Samuel Knapp.'

"We now warn our readers against encouraging said work. The perpetrators of it, after sending an agent to the south to solicit subscriptions, which were given with

the characteristic liberality of our people, have introduced into the sixteenth number, matter as false, calumnious, and incendiary, as can be found in any other publication of the Tappan's blood. It is thus the south is treated for its unsuspicious generosity. The agent employed for this city and Savannah, as soon as made aware of the base purposes for which he had been employed, indignantly threw up his agency, and intends, we understand, to call upon all persons who have subscribed, to refund what they have paid, and to discharge them from all obligation under their subscriptions. The miscreants, whose agency he renounces, have thus been guilty of as black

Y

Kentucky is one of the mildest of the slave states; yet, even there, deeds are daily transacted which chill the heart of every humane man. The following was reported, at the Pittsburgh Anti-Slavery Society, by the Rev. John Rankin, a Presbyterian clergyman of high respectability. Just in sight of my house, said Mr. R., on the other side of the Ohio river, there lived a respectable man, extensively known, and esteemed and trusted as far as he was known, but he was held as a slave, as the property of another man. He often dealt and did business in Ripley, and was generally known, and much esteemed by our citizens-had what was called a very humane master, but unfortunately his master fell in debt, and, being unable to meet the demands against him, he mortgaged his slave for 550 dollars. As the time of the mortgage was near expiring, the master told this man that if he would pay the sum he was mortgaged for he should be free. The man's heart was glad, and he came with tears in his eyes, and laid his case before the citizens of Ripley, who entered into it with unusual interest, and readily subscribed the money, one man putting down twenty-five dollars, another twentyfive, another twenty, fifteen, ten, five, and so on. While this subscription was going on, I saw and conversed with the master in Ripley, told him what progress was made, and he seemed to be pleased as I was with the prospect that this poor man would soon be at liberty to dwell with his wife and two children, who were free. But just as all our expectations were at the highest, when this man had, as it were, his liberty and his domestic happiness before his eyes, one night, just about dark, four men appeared at the door of his cabin,

entered, seized and bound him. He stood in awful silence awhile, for he understood it all, then broke out in a deep groan, "Oh, if it was not for my children, I could bear it." He was then taken in irons to Washington jail-this man of honourable feelings, this innocent man, not even charged with a crime, in this land of law, was thrown bound into prison, and soon taken on board a boat down the river, to a returnless, hopeless distance from his wife and tender babes, without being allowed even the consolation of just bidding them farewell.

This, said Mr. R., is a picture of slavery. The explanation is, that the master had an offer of 750 dollars for his slave from a slave-driver; and, for the sake of 200 dollars, he dashed this cup of prospective happiness to the earth, and tore asunder those tender ties, which God had said, Let no man sever. Two others in the same neighbourhood were sold at the same time -one a husband, sold away from his family; the other a mother, sold from her child. I can appeal to a thousand witnesses in that place who will testify to these facts.

It is as common there to sell men as it is to sell horses. Now to do this to a man who has lived under the Gospel, who knows his rights, who has been brought up in a civilized land, to seize him, bind him in chains, not give him leave to bid farewell to his wife and children, and carry him off, equals in cruelty any thing that is known in the African slave trade.

It is common there to chain them in droves and drive them through the country, innocent men, yes, and women too, who are charged with no crime, just for money. Is this right? I suppose this is a Christian

DAYS OF MARTYRDOM COMING..

The apostle assures us that "he that hateth his brother is a murderer," and of course, only waits the occasion to imbrue his hands in his brother's blood. Now the system of American Slavery is one great system of man-hatred. Its spirit is therefore a murderous one. To the poor negro it offers as the only alternative, submission or death. Does the negro dare to lift his hand in self-defence it visits death upon him, at discretion, in an instant. To its immediate victims, therefore, it is, from first to last, nothing but one great, organized, and established system of Lynch law. And, therefore, whenever (the slave, unable to endure his oppression longer, undertakes in any way to throw it off, it stabs him to the heart at once. Without misgiving or hesitation it bathes its hand in his blood, and so acts the murderer as well as breathes his spirit. This is slavery in its essential elements and results to the slave. Of course what it is and what it does to its immediate victims, we should expect it to be and to do to all who come between it and its victim, by taking that victim's part. The power and the occasion, therefore, being granted, and slavery would deny itself and belie its own essential and inherent spirit, if it did not drink the blood of the man who took the part and vindicated the right of its victim. Offering, in its very nature, submission or death as the only alternative to the slave, it must of necessity do the same to his advocate and defender. Murderous in spirit to the one, it must be so to the other and drinking the blood of the one, whenever he refuses the degrading alternative, nothing but want of power can or will keep it, when occasion offers, from drinking the blood of the other. Nothing but such want of power can keep the

man

that takes the bondman's part from sharing the bondman's fate. We are not at all surprised, therefore, at the recent outrages

at Marion College, nor shall we be surprised if things proceed from bad to worse, until in the end, instead of persecutions like those below, we read of deaths and martyrdom.

Quincy, Illinois, May 21, 1836.
Dear Brother Leavitt,

I arrived at Marion College about the first of May, with a company of young men who expected either to enter the college as regular students, or the mission farms as "recruits." Also, I had in my care a respectable coloured young man, and a coloured boy, both from New York city, both provided with free papers, &c., as required by law to admit them into the state of Missouri. The younger was to have been bound to Dr. Nelson until twentyone, and the other expected to recite to me or some other student, and support himself by manual labour, until he should be qualified to go to the land of his forefathers (Africa) to preach the everlasting gospel of Jesus Christ to the heathen. For this, and for bringing such a library of books, &c. as I chose, being a white native citizen of the United States, violent threats were thrown out. Judging it wisdom to remove the boys from the state, at least while such excitement existed, I did so. But meeting brother Nelson on the bank of the Mississippi river, being just on his return with his family from Tennessee, and greatly desiring to avail himself of the labours of the boy, particularly at that time, while settling his family, the boy was permitted to return and be with him. The day after a company of men came from Palmyra to take the boys; but not finding them as they anticipated, they were greatly exasperated, and renewed their threats; for which reason it was thought best to remove the boy as soon as possible. Accordingly it was done. But notwithstanding this, a company of two men from Palmyra began to beat up volunteers for a mob on the Sabbath day, May 15, to come up to the college. They could not succeed

in getting horses that night; but by eight o'clock the next morning they mustered between fifty and seventy men on horseback, and a few in carriages. Two hundred are said to have been enrolled, among which were a number of lawyers, doctors, and other public characters. They proceeded to Marion College and the "Mission Farms," distance twelve miles, armed with pistols, dirks, &c., and the most of them also with clubs. Myself was their first object. They arrived about twelve o'clock, and found me alone in the field ploughing, apprehending no danger. Brother Williams (who owned the farm) had gone to Illinois with the boy. I was immediately taken prisoner by four men, and in a few moments was surrounded by the whole gang, who had surrounded the farm, and came galloping in from every quarter. I inquired under what authority they came, but received no answer. again asked if they had legal authority from the revised statutes of the state of Missouri, and was vehemently answered,

I

I

No, (with dreadful oaths), but we come under mob law"-" Lynch law," &c. then addressed one of the leaders, who was a lawyer, and inquired if the laws of the state of Missouri will not protect its citizens, and you whose office it is to enforce those laws, are found at the head of a mob, what is our government good for? and what has our nation come to? I could not proceed. They immediately demanded my incendiary books and pamphlets. I declared I possessed no book or books by such a title. But finally they became sufficiently cool to tell me in plain words that they wanted my anti-slavery books, &c. I refused to give them to them until I had the privilege of conversing with Dr. Nelson a few moments, which they granted after searching the farm-house throughout, in drawers, closets, and not only my clothing and trunks, but also those of the ladies! but to no purpose, as I had previously informed them. When they commenced they declared to the family that the mob consisted of gentlemen, and they would treat them with politeness! After the above conduct, and before they left the house, they threatened the ladies that if they were not out of the house previous to Saturday night, they would burn the house and give them no chance to escape.

The whole group, in a long procession, escorted me in great triumph through the college campus on our way to Dr. Nelson's. They respected him publicly, though they muttered some time among themselves. I then discovered to them the books they were in search of. On our return, they halted at the college, and took two more prisoners, brothers Benson, of New York,

and Smith, from who were students. One of them, however, they let go; but with the other, Mr. Benson, and myself, and the books, they prepared to return to Palmyra. Brother Nelson accompanied us as far as the Mission farm, pleading with them that they would let us go. Notwithstanding his entreaties, backed by those of the ladies, they drove us off, on foot, while the old gentleman sat down and wept bitterly. The ladies retired for prayer, and the Lord heard them. On our way we were both treated with great brutality. Enraged to the highest pitch with rum and the spirit of their master, they could not agree as to what manner they might wreak

their vengeance on us. Finally, after crossing a prairie about five miles wide, and coming to the edge of a beautiful grove, they were commanded to halt by their captain, and ordered to form a hollow square, or circle, with their horses, which was done. We were marched into the centre, and the great Sanhedrim was set; but they appeared more exasperated than wise. They first moved, that each should have a hundred and fifty lashes. Brother Benson's case was then first tried, who was charged only with "pernicious sentiments," and to whom they gave, as they termed it,

an

"honourable dismission," upon conditions that he would not disseminate his doctrines among the slaves, tɔ which he gave assent, and rode out of the place.

My case was then held up for investigation. Lawyer Wright was appointed spokesman. On his calling for the manner of punishment, some proposed tar and feathers; others a hundred lashes; others to take me to Palmyra, and keep me there until night, then daub me with tar, and burn me with the books. Mr. Wright finally made a proposition, to which they agreed, which was, that I must either receive a hundred and fifty lashes, or leave the state. But when they found I preferred the lashes to being driven from the state, they would not let that stand, but made another, which was, that I must have a hundred and fifty lashes, well laid on, and if I lived through it, I must lose my life if found within the bounds of the state after the following Saturday. Seeing that it was impossible for me to accomplish any thing under these circumstances within the state, I concluded to leave it. Upon these grounds they released me, taking the books with them, which I wished them to read, and added, I hoped they would do them good. But before we separated, Mr. Wright was appointed to reprimand me. After he was done, I wished to defend myself by a reply. But they all cried out, "We wont hear him."

Throughout all my trial I felt composed,