INTERNAL SLAVE TRADE. [From the New York American.] Mr. Editor-On looking into the National Intelligencer of the 10th February instant, I find that the House of Representatives has resolved that " Congress ought not to interfere in any way with slavery in the District of Columbia." Ayes 163, nays 47. The same copy of the Intelligencer contains the following advertisements, viz. CASH IN MARKET. I wish to purchase a number of servants of both sexes, for which I will pay the highest market price. Persons wishing to sell, will do well to call at my residence near the National Hotel. Letters addressed to me through the Post-office shall receive the earliest attention. WILLIAM H. WILLIAMS, Washington. CASH FOR 200 NEGROES, Including both sexes, from twelve to twenty-five years of age. Persons having servants to dispose of, will find it their interest to give me a call, as I will give higher prices than any other purchaser now in this MARKET. I can at all times be found at the Mechanics' Hall, kept by B. O. Sheckle, and formerly kept by Isaac Beers, Seventh street, a few doors below Lloyd's tavern, opposite Centre Market. All communications promptly attended to. JAMES H. RICH, Washington City. CASH FOR 500 NEGROES, Including both sexes, from 12 to 25 years of age. Persons having servants to dispose of will find it to their interest to give us a call, as we will give higher prices in cash than any other purchaser who is now or may hereafter come into the MARKET. FRANKLIN & ARMFIELD, Alexandria. You may perhaps wonder, Mr. Editor, what gentlemen in the district of Columbia can want so many servants for. One advertises for an indefinite number-another for 200, and a third for 500! Please to take notice, that in two of these advertisements, reference is made to THIS MARKET. The market alluded to is the district of Columbia, the SLAVE MARKET of the United States; and these gentlemen who want so many servants are SLAVE TRADERS. Of the value of this trade to the metropolis of the American Republic, you may form some idea by the amount paid by the traders for the privilege of carrying it on. I quote from the laws of the CITY OF WASHINGTON, page 249: "C For a license to trade or traffic in slaves for profit, whether as agent or otherwise, four hundred dollars." But you may perhaps wonder again, Mr. Editor, what these gentlemen traders do with all their servants. Let us again recur to the National Intelligencer of the 10th instant. We there find the following notice: ALEXANDRIA AND NEW-ORLEANS PACKETS. Brig Tribune, Samuel C. Brush, master, will sail as above on the first of January; brig Isaur Franklin, W. Smith, master, on the 15th of January; brig Uncas, Nath. Boush, master, on the 1st of February. They will continue to leave this port on the 1st and 15th of each month throughout the shipping season. They are all vessels of the first class, commanded by experienced and accommodating officers, will at all times go up the Mississippi by steam, and every exertion used to promote the interest of shippers and comfort of passengers. Shippers may prevent disappointment by having their lls of lading ready the day previous to sailing, as they will go promptly at the time. Servants, that are intended to be shipped, will at any time be received for safe keeping at 25 cents per day. JOHN ARMFIELD, Alexandria. 29th Dec. tf. Here we have, Mr. Editor, THREE SLAVERS constantly engaged in the trade, and owned by one dealer. Would you know how these slavers are fitted up for the accommodation of servants? Mr. J. Leavit, of New-York, visited the brig Tribune, one of the above, in 1834, and published an account of his visit. He says, "The hold is appropriated to the slaves, and is divided into two apartments. The after-hold will carry about 80 women, and the other about 100 men. either side were two platforms running the whole length, one raised a few inches, and the other about half way up to the deck. They were about five feet and a half or six feet deep. On them they lie as close as they can stow away." On 17 DISCUSSION BETWEEN MR. GEORGE THOMPSON AND THE An important and deeply interesting discussion on the subject of American slavery has recently taken place in Glasgow, between Mr. George Thompson, the intrepid and able champion of the negro race, and the Rev. R. J. Breckinridge, an American Presbyterian minister. It was continued during five evenings, and has been reported in the Glasgow Chronicle and the Patriot newspapers. We understand that the whole will be published in a separate pamphlet, which we shall take the earliest opportunity of introducing to our readers. At present we have only space to express our admiration of the pre-eminent ability and entire self-command which Mr. Thompson displayed throughout the discussion, and to tender him our thanks for the large mass of valuable information with which he has supplied the public. Never was a cause more triumphantly defended, nor the sophistries and evasions of an acute and merciless opponent more completely exposed. It would afford us pleasure to be able to record our approbation of the spirit in which Mr. Breckinridge conducted his part of the discussion. But truth compels us to say, that we have been grieved and disgusted at the rancorous hostility towards his opponent, which his speeches betray. He evidently sought to destroy the public reputation of Mr. Thompson, rather than to exhibit the real character of American slavery. No opportunity was lost of aiming a mortal blow at the character of one whose intrepid, disinterested, and successful exertions, on behalf of suffering humanity, entitle him to the respect of every virtuous mind. It is humiliating to see a Christian minister, more especially one who appears amongst us as a representative of a highly respectable and religious body in America, so completely surrendered to the influence of a bad passion. Our own impression in reading the report of the discussion has been, that Mr. Breckinridge must have brought to this country feelings of deep mortification, arising from Mr. Thompson's successful exposure of the delusive and wicked nature of the colonization scheme; and that his spleen mastered his judgment, and vented itself in a manner discreditable to his character, both as a gentleman and a Christian. The result of the discussion may be inferred from the following extract from a note, addressed to Mr. Thompson, by one of the most respectable ministers in Scotland, who had been present during the debate: "My dear Sir,-How are you? Glad and grateful, I dare say. God has given you and your cause victory and triumph. Poor Breckinridge! what crushed man! ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BAPTIST UNION. It is well known to the anti-slavery public that the Annual Meetings of the Baptist Union have been looked forward to for some months with a feeling of very deep and general interest. The conduct of the deputation recently appointed by that body to visit the Baptist churches in America having given rise to discussions which inolved the consistency and character of the ody itself, it was feared either that public principles would be abandoned, or that personal collisions of a most injurious and exceptionable kind would ensue. Happily, however, these evils have been entirely avoided, and a series of measures has been adopted which do full justice to the antislavery feeling of the Baptist body, and promise to accomplish extensive good amongst the sister churches of America. The attendance at the meetings of the Union D was more numerous than on any former occasion. Representatives were present from all parts of the country, and a deep and thrilling interest was universally felt in the topic which was expected to engage the attention of the brethren. The ministers and messengers met on Monday, Tuesday, and Friday, the 20th, 21st, and 24th of June, and the public meeting was held on the 22nd. Several hours were occupied each day in discussing the relation sustained by the body to the American churches, and the extent to which it involved the English Baptists in the guilt of the slave system, so inconsistently sanctioned by a large portion of their transatlantic brethren. A considerable number of the ministers and messengers urged an immediate termination of the correspondence into which the Union had entered with the American Baptists, but others who were equally decided in their abhorrence of slavery pleaded that the law of Christ had not yet been fully obeyed-that remonstrance, faithful, earnest, solemn remonstrance, should be tried; and that on the effect of such remonstrance must depend the steps which should be taken. It was contended by the deputation that the American Baptists had not refused to receive communications from the Union on the subject of slavery, but that they (the deputation) on their own responsibility had abstained from introducing the topic at Richmond. It was ultimately agreed to try the effect of a firm and earnest appeal, and to suspend future proceedings on the result. All parties united in reprobating an intercourse which involved the condition either implied or expressed, that the Baptist Union was not publicly to protest against the wickedness of slavery, and openly to give to the abolitionists of America the benefit of their countenance and support. This sentiment was expressed in the third resolution, which was adopted by the brethren with the clear understanding that, if the executive of the Convention should refuse to lay the communications of the Union before the body which it represented, or that if the Convention should return an answer inconsistent with the immutable principles of righteous-, ness and the sentiments of Christian charity, all intercourse should cease with the slaveholding or slavery-sanctioning churches of America.* The resolution was as follows: That the connexion with the Baptist churches in the United States contemplated by this Union, and actually resulting from its proceedings, consists wholly in the mairtenance of a beneficial correspondence, having for its object the advantage of both parties, by an unfettered expression of opinion on all subjects connected with Christian consistency, the advancement of religion, and the glory of God. As to the conduct of the deputation in America, different opinions were entertained. A large majority of the brethren deeply regretted that they had not identified themselves with the cause of abolition in that country by a public advocacy of its principles. No doubt, however, was entertained that they had acted conscientiously in the silence which they maintained, neither was an unkind or a disrespectful word addressed to them. All spoke their sentiments freely; and those who dissented from the propriety of their measures, and deemed them injurious to the Anti-slavery cause, yet gave them credit for the honesty of their decision. The second resolution was designed to embody these sentiments : That we affectionately congratulate our esteemed brethren, Drs. Cox and Hoby, on their appearance amongst us this day, and tender to Almighty God our grateful sense of his goodness in having preserved them during their absence, and in returning them safely to their native land. That we desire to record our conviction of the dili gence, zeal, and ability with which they prosecuted the denominational objects of their mission, and to convey to them our warmest thanks for the valuable information which they have supplied on these points. That having sent our brethren to promote, amongst other objects, the sacred cause of negro emancipation, we rejoice to learn that they did on very many occasions convey to the ministers and churches of the Baptist body in America, our abhorrence of the slave system amongst them; but that with brethren in the course which they adopted the full assurance of the integrity of our on this subject, we regret that the state of society rendered it advisable in their judgment, in order to the attainment of the more * Patriot, June 27. Baptist Mag. 319. strictly denominational objects, to refrain from introducing it in public meetings, and to withhold from the Abolition Society their encouragement and support. The fourth resolution does full justice to the consistency of the Baptist denomination, by expressing in no measured terms its condemnation of the slave system, as it is unhappily allied with and influences the churches of America. That this meeting presents its Christian acknowledgments for the kindness shown to its Deputation by the churches in America-both those of other denominations and those of our own-especially those meeting in the Triennial Convention of Baptist churches. That it holds in high admiration their munificent and well-sustained exertions for the dissemination of the Gos pel, and for the education of Christian ministers and missionaries; and most cordially rejoicing in the large bestowment of the Divine blessing upon their widely extended labours, it receives with pleasure the kind invitation to continued intercourse addressed to them by their transatlantic brethren. That whilst this meeting records with gratitude to Almighty God the fact, that many hundred of Baptist pastors and churches have entered their solemn protest against slavery, yet it cannot but refer with deep regret to the wide and dreadful prevalence of the system in America, and cannot but regard the repeal of all such laws as do in any way enforce or protect it, as an object of the greatest importance, demanding the vigorous exertion of all Christian pastors and churches, and their earnest perseverance in the use of those means which wisdom and piety may suggest for the immediate and universal extinction of an evil so disgraceful to any people possessing the Word of God. With increased solicitude does this meeting press this painful subject, inasmuch as it appears, that even pastors and members of churches are the possessors of slaves, many of whom are their own brethren in the Lord-thus themselves inflicting upon those who are united with them in the same ordinances of the Gospel, those cruel wrongs which are inseparable from a state of slavery, and incompatible with the maintenance of Christian fellowship. That this meeting refers with regret to the deep-rooted prejudice which so extensively prevails in America, against free persons of color, by which many and grievous injuries are inflicted upon them: amongst these, more especially does it refer to that law which is understood to prevail in one or more of the States, which prohibits any one from teaching "any person of color, slave or free, to read or write,"-a law directly opposed to every feeling of humanity, and to every principle of the Gospel, it, therefore, entreats the ministers and churches of Christ, in whom is neither "Jew nor Greek, barbarian nor Scythian, bond nor free," to cast from them such ungenerous and unholy prejudice, and to put the enslaved people in possession of their social rights, in the seats of learning, the fellowship of citizens, and the sanctuaries of the Most High. That this Meeting refers with confidence to the great experiment of emancipation in the colonial dependencies of the British empire, from which have proceeded many and great benefits; and expresses its conviction, that whatever evils have arisen, have sprung, not from the liberty that has been given, but from the restrictions by which it was accompanied. That this meeting convinced of the paramount importance of the objects to which these resolutions relate, most earnestly, most respectfully, most affectionately, and most solemnly requests that large and influential section of the Christian church, the Baptists in the United States of America, whose churches contain (it is computed) more than 600,000 members, and whose rise and progress from the days of Roger Williams display so much of the grace and power of the Redeemer-by their sense of equity, by their love of liberty, and by their hope of salvation, to rouse themselves to the great but plain duty of securing first the rights of their oppressed but degraded fellow-subjects, and then of withholding no effort from the general cause of humanity and freedom, until the jubilee of universal emancipation is proclaimed. This resolution is to be forwarded to the executive of the triennial convention, accompanied by a letter from the committee of the Union. Its transit will be followed by many prayers; and we hope in some future number to have to record the proofs of its salutary influence. The Baptist denomination has now taken a position worthy of itself. As it was foremost in the struggle against West India slavery, so it has now imitate, or else incur the reproach of being set an example which other churches must indifferent to the interests of humanity, and the honor of the Christian name. May their zeal abound—may a holy emulation be enkindled, till the whole moral force of British Christians shall be directed against this monstrous form of wickedness, which, lurking in the very precincts of the church, extends over all its operations an enfeebling and paralysing influence. RESOLUTIONS OF SEVERAL ASSOCIATED BODIES ON THE SUBJECT OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. Ar the Annual Meeting of the Congregational Union of Scotland, very numerously attended by ministers and members of the Congregational churches, and held in Argyle Square chapel, Edinburgh, on Thursday evening, the 5th May, 1836, the Rev. G. D. CULLEN, of Leith, in the chair. After the ordinary business had been transacted, the following resolutions on the subject of American Slavery were moved by the Rev. RALPH WARDLAW, D.D., of Glasgow, seconded by the Rev. DAVID RUSSELL, D.D., of Dundee, and unanimously adopted: 1. That, as a meeting of the Congregational Union of Scotland, we are not to be considered, in regard to any sentiments we express, or any resolutions we adopt, as sustaining an official and representative character, or as assuming any kind or measure of authority, which would be at variance with the great distinguishing principle maintained by us, of the mutual independency of the churches of Christ; that, in the resolutions which follow, we speak for ourselves, whilst, at the same time, we have abundant ground for entertaining the most confident assurance, that they are in full accordance with the views, and wishes, and prayers of the great body of the brethren throughout the country with whom we are associated. 2. That, in the spirit of those Christian principles which are the foundation of our personal hopes, the elements of our spiritual life, and the charter of our New Covenant liberties, we look back, with devout thankfulness to the God of Providence, to the decision of our legislature, by which, after a long and arduous struggle, the slave trade was branded with the stigma, and condemned to the punishment, of felony; and, in the same spirit, we contemplate the more recent act, following up the abolition of that nefarious traffic, by which a final termination has been put to slavery itself throughout all the colonial dependencies of the British empire-an act by which a seemly and glorious consistency has been imparted to our character and institutions as a free people, and a dark cloud has been dispelled, which had long brooded over our beloved land, heavily charged with the vengeance of offended heaven. 3. That at the time when this act was passed-an act demanded alike by the claims of humanity, justice, religion, and sound policy-one, and not the least of the sources of our grateful joy was, the sanguine anticipation of the beneficial influence which might be exerted on the counsels and conduct of other people, by the example of a nation occupying, through divine favour, so exalted and commanding a position as our country does, amongst the governments, not of Europe only, but of the world-an influence of which our high estimate led us to cherish the delightfully cheering hope, that, at no distant period, every yoke should be broken," and, in all lands, "the oppressed should go free." 66 ings of special interest our transatlantic 4. That we cannot but regard with feelbrethren in the United States of America, congratulating them on their participation with ourselves, through the kindness of the same universal Ruler, in the precious blessings of a common freedom and a common Christianity; bolding in admiration the amount of Christian liberality and Christian effort evinced by them, in the dissemination of the word of God, and of the education requisite for the use of it through every part of their own territory, as well as for the complete evangelization of the world; but that in proportion to the delight we have experienced in hearing of such triumphs of Christian principle amongst them, have been our astonishment and concern, that both their freedom and their religion should be so sadly tarnished by the incongruous association with them of slavery, to so vast an extent, in all its hideous forms of traffic and oppression, and in regard to millions of immortal fellowcreatures, dependent upon them; the systematic proscription by severe penal laws of all that instruction which might impart, to the victims of corporeal thraldom, the knowledge which enlightens and saves the soul, and the liberty wherewith Christ makes sinners free; and our wonder and sorrow are rendered the more intense by the information, that so many Christian men and Christian ministers stand chargeable with what we are constrained to denominate the sin of slave-holding and slave-dealing, in direct contravention, as we hold it to be, of those principles and precepts, which it is the very object of the Christian ministry to expound and inculcate, and of the Christian character to exemplify. 5. That "God having made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on the face of the whole earth"-and all, sprung from a common origin, having become partakers in a common guilt, the objects of a common redemption, we sincerely lament the extensive and deeply-rooted prevalence of a prejudice so unworthy the generosity of free |