dominating affection for our political system," a "calm and enlightened judgment" of the people, thus inviting and invoking outrage and violence on their heads anew; and then, to put the climax on his guilt and infamy, swears himself on the altar of slavery, avowing most solemnly, that he will give his “ constitutional sanction” to no bill abolishing slavery, even within the limits of federal jurisdiction, so long as it is "against the wishes of the slave-holding States;" but, recreant to every principle of liberty, justice, and humanity, will, on all occasions, and at all hazards, and in the face of a majority even, GO WITH THE South. "Were these the sentiments, and declarations and determination of a Calhoun, or a Mc Duffie, men born and bred in the atmosphere of slavery, and with the habits of the slave-holder, they would be in character ; and, however we might detest and cry out against the principles, we should at least respect the men for honesty in their avowal of them, as well as cease to regard that avowal with surprise. But as it is, we can neither respect the man nor his principles. So far from it, his conduct in this matter is an utter denial and renunciation of his professed principles, as the friend of equal rights and the advocate of democracy, and it ought, and we are no prophet, or it will cover him with infamy, and make him a stench in the nostrils of every honest republican. There is neither honesty, nor republicanism, nor manhood in the position he has taken. It is an unblushing declaration, that in a free republic even, the majority shall not rule, and that the will of the people shall not be law. It is USURPATION and TYRANNY.

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Very well, if Martin Van Buren can afford thus to slander the friends of liberty and equal rights, and invoke on them the fury of the mob, and lick the dust and proclaim himself the tool of tyrants, the defender of slavery, and swear himself for ever upon her altar,—so be it. And if, in consequence, the spirit of slavery grows more rampant in every part of the land, louder and more overbearing in its demands at the South and the North, more violent and blood-thirsty in its inflictions on the bond and the free, trampling all law and all right and all restraint under foot, and breaking forth on the right hand and on the left in acts of violence and blood,- -so be it. We are glad to know the worst-to see the flag nailed to the mast. We shall not shrink from the conflict. On the contrary, most cheerfully and resolutely shall we breast us to the onset anew, We tell the President, that if he expects to put the question of abolition at rest, and secure to himself a quiet administration, by the position now taken, he, for once at least, has reckoned without his host, At the Presidential nod, let the influence and the machinery of party be turned upon us, and under the broad shield of Presidential sanction, let

popular indignation," at the bidding of hireling presses, pour the vials of its wrath upon us, and outrage follow outrage, and tumult follow tumult, and violence follow violence, until the land rocks with commo

tion, and runs down with blood-we shall meet it. We have sworn ourselves upon the altar of freedom; and under freedom's God, come what may, WE SHALL MEET IT. Not an inch shall we yield, not an effort relax, not an agent recall, not a publication suppress. On the contrary, we shall multiply our presses and our agents, increase our efforts fifty, yea, an hundred fold, and move onward in our struggle for freedom, if need be, to the death."

- These are the right men to urge forward a good work; and, when engaged in a cause that bears so high upon both the social well-being, and the eternal welfare of a large portion of their suffering fellows; a cause which is sustained by an enlightened conscience, and the sympathies of a benevolent heart-a cause so congenial with the spirit of the gospel, and so necessary to its ultimate triumphs, they cannot relax-they must succeed. The cause is chained to Omnipotence. The power that is pledged to the triumphs of the gospel is enlisted on its behalf. Go forward, ye men of God! ye friends of the friendless, the degraded, the oppressed! The eyes of God, of angels, and of all civilized nations, are upon you. They know the ardour of the contest; the difficulties and dangers that await you; and will watch your movements with untiring anxiety, until ye shall have broken the fetters from every slave in your land; and then unite with us in our endeavours to chase this demon from every class and every tribe of the human family.

AMERICAN TEMPERANCE SOCIETIES.

"One good turn deserves another."

MR. E. C. Delavan, the Secretary of the New York Temperance Society, communicated to Mr. Buckingham, M. P. for Sheffield, a resolution of the Temperance Societies in America, to prepare a short pamphlet containing the most material facts and arguments in support of the Temperance Reformation which has produced such beneficial effects on the health and morals of the population in that country, and to print a sufficient number of the pamphlet to furnish a copy to every householder in England, Scotland, and Ireland. It was calculated that this would require four millions of copies, and would cost, in America, about 25,000 dollars, or £5,000 sterling. This sum the American societies undertook to raise, provided the Chancellor of the Exchequer in England could be prevailed upon to admit the pamphlets free of duty, as they were for gratuitous distribution, and provided the Temperance Societies of England could be induced to organize means for their distribution after their arrival in this country. Mr. Buckingham, who was deputed by the American Societies to open a negociation with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, appeared to have succeeded in his object, as the Chancellor, in a letter to Mr. Buckingham, liberally consented to the introduction of the pamphlets free of duty; and the Temperance Socie

ties in England, Scotland, and Ireland, of whom there are now nearly a thousand, were proceeding to organize means of distributing the four millions of American pamphlets, by giving one, free of cost, to every householder in the kingdom. Scarcely, however, had this gratifying intelligence been sent off to America, before a second letter from the Chancellor of the Exchequer to Mr. Buckingham, expressed his deep regret that the Lords of the Treasury, with whom the confirmation of the Chancellor's decision rested, did not feel themselves justified in acceding to his recommendation, on the ground of such a proceeding forming a most inconvenient precedent. This is to be deeply regretted; for while the government of Canada, impressed with the beneficial consequences of their circulation, admit the temperance publications from the United States free of duty-and while in England the government admit all the most costly foreign works presented to the British Museum free of duty-the same privilege is here denied to one of the most munificent, most benevolent, and most disinterested gifts ever proffered by the philanthropists of one nation to the whole population of another.

On this magnificent proposal, we beg leave to offer a remark. The religious community of Britain are not accustomed to ask favours of government, with a view to facilitate their Christian and benevolent endeavours; and it is a pity so noble a purpose should be frustrated by so trifling an impediment. If the Temperance Societies of America choose to carry their object into effect, there is no fear but funds will soon be raised here to pay the duty upon the proposed publication, immediately on its arrival; and we can assure them that ample facilities shall be afforded for their universal dispersion. And in return for so noble a donation, we engage to prepare a pamphlet on the inconsistency and sinfulness of slavery in a professedly Christian country, and to furnish them with a sufficient supply, provided that on their part they will make satisfactory arrangements to "furnish a copy to every householder" in the States where slavery prevails. This we consider nothing but a friendly interchange of kind offices; and the moment we are satisfied that the above arrangements are made, the pamphlet shall be printed and forwarded without delay. We engage, moreover, on the part of our countrymen, that Lynch-law shall not be executed upon a single agent employed in dispersing these Temperance pamphlets; but that they shall be welcomed in every village and hamlet of the kingdom as benefactors, and entitled, not only to courtesy, but gratitude; and a similar friendly reception will be expected from every agent employed in distributing our publication among the American states.

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FOREIGN SLAVE TRADE.

No. III.

WE continue the papers on this subject for two purposes; that our readers may be in possession of a condensed view of the present state of the Slave Trade in the different parts of the world; and to show the untiring anxiety of the friends of the Negro in Britain to open negociations between our government and other powers for its suppression. At the conclusion of this hasty review, we may offer such reflections as necessarily suggest themselves on this appalling subject.

BRAZIL.

The Conventions and Treaties entered into with Portugal during the period of her union with Brazil, were equally applicable to, and equally binding on, both countries, as well during their union, as subsequent to their separation; but shortly after that event, the Emperor of Brazil entered into a treaty with this country, by which it was stipulated, that at the expiration of three years from the exchange of the ratification of the treaty (March 1827), “it shall not be lawful for the subjects of the Emperor of Brazil to be concerned in the carrying on of the African slave-trade under any pretext or in any manner whatsoever, and the carrying on of such trade after that period by any person subject to His Imperial Majesty, shall be deemed and treated as a pirate."

In 1831, a decree passed the Legislative Assembly, and received the sanction of the Regency, imposing further and more rigid restrictions for the prevention of the importation of slaves into the ports of Brazil, by the 1st article of which it is declared, that "All slaves entering the territory on the ports of Brazil, coming from abroad, are free," except 1st. slaves enrolled in the service of vessels belonging to countries where slavery is allowed; and 2ndly, those which may have escaped from such vessel or territory, who are to be delivered up to their masters.

Notwithstanding the favourable state of the treaties and laws of Brazil relating to the slave-trade, Lord Palmerston, in his despatch to our minister at Brazil, dated 7th of May, 1833, says-"The Brazilian government must be aware, that all the efforts which their wise and beneficent intentions upon this subject have given rise to, have hitherto failed, under the existing law, to put an end to the illegal traffic of Brazil in slaves from Africa, and it must be obvious therefore, that the only mode of meeting the difficulty is, to add some more effectual stipulation to the treaty now in force upon the subject."

Our ambassa

The negociation thus commenced was for a time unsuccessful. sador, in a despatch to Lord Palmerston dated 15th of October, 1834, makes the following statement: "My letter was officially communicated to the Assembly, and read to them by the minister, Aureliano, at the same time that he recommended to their adoption some other measures connected with the more effectual suppression of the slave-trade. But the minister, and all his communications, were, unfortunately upon this occasion, equally ill-received; and the reading of my letter served only to call forth a violent attack upon the government, for

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listening to foreign dictation, and upon Great Britain for presuming to give advice to Brazil.

The British government however, was not at all disheartened by this unfavourable report, and our ambassador was instructed to renew his efforts to obtain the consent of the Brazilian government to additional articles similar to those concluded with France and the Netherlands; and on the 25th of March, 1835, Mr. Fox informed the Duke of Wellington, that he had every reasonable prospect of being able to carry the wishes of His Majesty's government completely into effect. He observes:-"The terror that is spreading far and wide through Brazil since the late insurrection of the blacks at Bahia, has rendered the present moment favorable for renewing to this government any proposal for improving and strengthening the anti-slave trade legislation. The eyes of most men are beginning to be opened, if not to the infamy of slave dealing, at least to the enormous danger of allowing fresh multitudes of Africans, under any condition, to be poured daily into the country."

"'*

On the 4th of August, Mr. Fox, in his despatch to Lord Palmerston, says,— "The three additional articles supplementary to the Slave Trade convention between Great Britain and Brazil of the 23rd of November, 1836, were signed on the 27th ultimo ;" and adds, that they were referred to the Chamber of Deputies, who had not then reported upon them. But on the 28th of October, he says—“ I am very sorry to say, that the session of the Legislative Chambers of Brazil has been closed without their sanction being obtained to the additional articles for the more effectual suppression of the slave trade, which were signed, on the 27th July last, by Senhor Manoel Alves Branco, and myself, as the plenipotentiaries respectively of His Majesty, and of the Emperor of Brazil. The sanction of the Assembly has not been refused, but the session has been closed without the matter being brought on for discussion."*

NETHERLANDS.

On the 15th of June, 1814, the government of Holland issued a decree, by which its subjects are prohibited from trading in slaves; and the governors of the Dutch forts on the coast of Africa are commanded to suffer no slave trade to be carried on by the ships of any nation, and to seize all Dutch ships that may contravene this decree. And on the 13th of August, 1814, the King of the Netherlands entered into a convention with his Britannic Majesty for the suppression of the trade: but notwithstanding this treaty, and the decree above alluded to, a considerable slave trade was carried on on the African coast by Dutch subjects; and there were strong reasons for believing, that the Dutch governors on the coast, instead of obeying the orders they had received from their government, connived at this traffic. Representations were thereupon made to the Dutch government, and subsequently a treaty was entered into between the two governments for its more effectual suppression. By this treaty, which was signed at the Hague, on the 4th of May, 1818, the mutual right of search was agreed to, and mixed courts of justice were established for adjudicating vessels captured under the treaty; and on the 20th of November following, the Dutch government passed a law for giving effect to this treaty.

Still, the treaties and abolition laws of the Netherlands were violated, and large importations of slaves into Surinam were even openly permitted by the local authorities. Our government again remonstrated, with a view to put a

* Parliamentary Papers, Class B. 1835, p. 77.