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cisely where she was *. That without some positive renunciation of the right to legislate internally and externally on the part of Great Britain, their work would be but half done, and Ireland might again be enslaved by the first corrupt minister who should choose to avail bimself of the unsuspecting and too liberal conduct of Ireland. These doctrines gained many proselytes out of doors; within the walls of parliament almost all were unanimously content with the repeal. Legal securily was strongly urged by the discontented; but the idea of one kingdom binding another as by bond and warrant was laughed at; and it was urged, that if England, after formally repealing a statute which solemnly declared her right to make laws for this country, determined to resume that right, a renunciation would stand as little in the way of such perfidious hostility as any other declaration whatever. If the faith of kindred nations was not to be relied upon, what else was to be resorted to? Open war could alone terminate such conflicting pretensions; nor could Ireland expect that England would so far prostrate itself as in a subdued and grovelling tone to declare itself an usurper. Mr. Grattan, in one of the debates which the agitation of this questiou produced, emphatically declared," the nation that
* It is impossible not to consider this objection started by Flood as an unworthy attempt to obscure the brilliancy of a measure which had originated and been completed by his rival.
Death of the Marquis of Rockingham. 79 insists on the humiliation of another is a foolish nation.” The contest was fiercely fought, however, in the commons, and it was ended at length by a division of the house on Mr. Flood's motion on the 19th of July, 1782, for leave to bring in the heads of a bill for declaring the sole and exclusive right of the Irish parliament to make laws in all cases whatsoever, internal and external, for the kingdom of Ireland. This motion was negatived, there being only six in the minority.
Whatever blessings England or Ireland might anticipate from the whig administration which dow ruled, or whatever blessings were likely to result, they all vanished by the sudden death of the Marquis of Rockingham, the amiable and virtuous leader of that party. This took place place on the 1st July, 1789, and it is well known, as one of the consequences of that event, that Mr. Fox and his friends threw up their situations a few days after. In the new arrangements of Lord Shelburne's administration, which was formed on the 13th July, Lord Temple (the late Marquis of Buckingham) was fixed upon to succeed the Duke of Portland in the vicegerency of Ireland.
Meanwhile the volunteers, justly proud of their own exertions, and conscious of the power they held in their hand--a power formidable in producing good, and which might become equally formidable in producing evil-proceeded to take proper measures for declaring and testifying their opinion upon the transactions we have just re
corded. Their body was much divided by the question of simple repeal and declaratory enactment. The insidious doubts and suspicions of Flood had infected the minds of many, and they began to think of prosecuting the career they had commenceit till they should accomplish the humiliation of England. Vain and foolish hope! entertained only by those who had probably far different objects in view. For a while, however, the moderate and sensible party prevailed, and a resolution was unaniinously carried in favour of the simple repeal. At another meeting an address; to his majesty was determined on, to express the opinion of :306 companies of volunteers in favour of the simple repeal. It passed unanimously, and with loud applause. Captain Pollock then moved an address to the Duke of Portland, which was also carried unanimously; as was also an address to Lord Charlemont, appointing him general of the volunteers of Ulster. An address to. Mr.. Grattan was next moved, expressing the highest satisfaction at the vote of 50,000l. But this unanimity was soon disturbed by the dissatisfaction of two corps in the town of Belfast, which had been represented at Dungannon. Their delegates were vilified and traduced in the newspapers, and even Mr. Grattan-such is popular favour!-became an object of virulent and malignant abuse. The Belfast review was approaching, and the dissatisfied resolved to make a stand. Every art was einployed to increase the number
Factious proceedings of the volunteers. 81 of discontented. Thousands of anonymous papers were distributed of the most inflammatory description. Every man who bore a musket became a legislator; the duty of the soldier sunk before the glories of the patriot; Ireland was to be saved by them, and they were to pronounce the terms of her salvation. Unexpected success had made them proud, pride had made them factious, and faction had made them foolish. They tarnished the lustre of their civic crown by endeavouring to adorn it with the meretricious ornaments of sedition. The delegates assembled on the 3d August. An address was moved to Lord Charlemont, in which was inserted a clause expressive of satisfaction with the simple repeal. A debate upon that clause ensued, and after eleven hours of legislative mockery it was rejected by a majority of two. Thus altered, it passed unanimously. This was a short triumph to the designing few who had planned it; those few who, bred in the corruption of court influence, wished to bring that ministry into discredit which disdained to act upon so unconstitutional a basis.
Administration of Lord Temple-Institution of
the order of St. Patrick--Intended establishment of the Genevese colony-Lord Temple recalled, and succeeded by the Earl of Northington-The volunteers become clamourous for par, liamentary reform--The conduct of Flood on this occasion-Appointed one of the committee to receive plans-Proceedings of the convention-Flood submits his own plan, which is finally adopted-Moves for leave to bring in a bill pursuant to that plan-Indignation of the house, who consider it as originating with an armed body--The bill rejected.
The repeat of the 6th Geo. I. was the Magna Charta of Ireland. It gave them, substantially, freedom; it placed the sources of liberty in their own hands, 'redeemed them from the tyranny of a foreign power, and secured to them a bulwark against any subsequent attempts to re-assert that power. When we consider the magnitude and importance of the acquisition it is impossible not to admire the mode in which it was obtained; it is impossible not to feel astonishment in contemplating so great an event brought about by the instrumentality of an armed force, and yet the