lution, had declared to be increasing, and that it ought to be diminished: an influence which was more to be dreaded, because more secret in its attacks, and more concealed in its operations, than the power of prerogative. All these objects were not only compatible with each other, but they had a mutual connection, and ought not to be divided in a measure of reformation. In all the argu

who spoke last, on the subject

ments of the noble lord of the resolutions of the 6th of April, he observed the noble lord's objections were directed solely to the second of these resolutions: he took it for granted therefore, that the noble lord admitted the first. That resolution pledged the house to do something effectual in compliance with the petitions of the people. Why then should the house refuse to adopt the present bill, the operation of which in diminishing the influence of the crown, rendered it in his opinion much more valuable than the mere consideration of the saving it would effect? But it had been said, that the saving was immaterial; it was a matter of trifling consideration, when measured by the necessities or expenses at the time. It proposed to bring no more than 200,000l. a year into the public coffers; and that sum was insignificant in the public account, when compared with the millions which we spend. This was surely the most singular and unaccountable species of reasoning that was ever attempted in any assembly. The calamities of the crisis were too great to be benefited by œconomy. Our expenses were so enormous, that it was ridiculous to attend to little matters of account. We have spent so many millions, that thousands are beneath our consideration. We were obliged to spend so much, that it was foolish to think of saving any. This was the language of the day, and it was by such reasoning that the principle of the bill had been disputed. Much argument had been brought to prove the impropriety and the injustice of

resuming a parliamentary grant; and it had been even said, that they had not a right to do so. It would be needless to attempt an answer to such a doctrine. It contained its refutation in its weakness. But it ought to be remembered, that the civil list revenue was granted by Parliament to his Majesty for other purposes than those of personal gratification. It was granted to support the power and the interests of the empire, to maintain its grandeur, to pay the judges and the foreign ministers, to maintain justice, and support respect; to pay the great officers that were necessary to the lustre of the crown; and it was proportioned to the dignity and opulence of the people. It would be an ungracious task to investigate the great difference that there was between the wealth of the empire when that revenue was granted, and the wealth at the present time. It would serve however to shew, that the sum of revenue, which was necessary to the support of the common dignity of the crown and people at that time, ought now to be abated, as the necessities had increased. The people who granted that revenue under the circumstances of the occasion, were justified in resuming a part of it, under the pressing demand of an altered situation. They clearly felt their right; but they exercised it with pain and regret. They approached the throne with bleeding hearts, afflicted at the necessity of applying for retrenchment of the royal gratifications; but the request was at once loyal and submissive. It was justified by policy, and his Majesty's compliance with the request was inculcated by prudence, as well as by affection. He confessed, that, when he considered the obligations of the house, he could not cherish the idea that they would dispute the principle of the bill before them. He could not believe it possible that the principle of economy would be condemned, or the means of accomplishing it abandoned. For his own part, he admired the plan proposed. He felt himself, as

a citizen of this country, and a member of that house, highly indebted to the honorable author of it; and as he considered it as essential to the being and the independence of his country, he would give it the most determined support.

On a division the motion for the second reading was negatived-Ayes 190-Noes 233-and the bill was then put off to that day six months.

CHAPTER III.

INFLUENCE OF THE CROWN.

IN the same session that Mr. BURKE first brought forward this great plan of economical reform, the house of commons resolved itself, on the motion of Mr. DUNNING, into a grand committee, in order to take into consideration the petitions of the people, when the titles being read, in all forty in number,

Mr. DUNNING said:

It was unnecessary to observe, that the subject-matter to be taken into consideration was the subject-matter contained in the petitions. Independent of the great objects, which the petitions recommended to the care and attention of Parliament, which had been according to the particular ideas of the several classes of petitioners of a various nature, there was one great fundamental point on which they hinged, that of setting limits or paring down the encreased, dangerous, and alarming influence of the crown, and an economical expenditure of the public money. In one point of view, both these objects might be fairly consolidated into one great principle. For instance, if the public money was faithfully applied and frugally expended, that would reduce the influence of the crown: if, on the other hand, the influence of the crown was restrained within its natural and constitutional limits, it would once more restore that power which the constitution had vested in that house, the enquiring into and controuling the expenditure of public money: but nevertheless, though the principle embraced one great object, a necessity arose that the principle should be divi

ded; that is, the remedy should, in pursuance of the objects held forth and recommended in the petitions, be directed to two points.

Before he proceeded any further, therefore, he should take it for granted, because the fact stood so stated in the petitions on the table, that a reform of the public expenditure, and limiting and restraining the encreasing influence of the crown, were the two great objects which must draw the attention of that house, and necessarily force those two important subjects into discussion. These being the evils set forth in the petitions, it was his duty, however unequal he might be to the task he had undertaken, to apply what he deemed specific and distinct remedies to them both; that was to propose some remedy, or frame some resolution, which would serve as a basis, on which he might afterwards erect a system of measures, to answer the purpose, and to comply with the wishes of the petitioners. Before he proceeded any further, it would be necessary for him to state, and remind the house of what had been done, as it was supposed, in consequence of the petitions now on the table; and how far those attempts had or had not succeeded; because such an enquiry would partly point out the resistance already made and avowed to the great objects of the petitions; and would have this important effect; it would shew that no redress could be, or was meant to be given to the petitioners by the modes already tried; and, at the same time, prove precisely, nay literally, in what particulars, those who were supposed to lead and direct the majorities of that house, meant to resist and defeat the prayers of the petitions. An honorable gentleman behind him [Mr. BURKE] had produced a bill partly on the plan of the petitions. It might not embrace every object described or pointed to in the petitions; but he believed no person on any side of the house would dispute with him, that the bill contained nothing but what was consonant to the letter and spirit of