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life being shortened, it is supposed, by grief for her father's cruel fate. The Duke of Monmouth, natural son of Charles II. was beheaded for a rebellion against James II. his pretensions to the throne being utterly destroyed by the loss of the battle of Sedgemoor. George Prince of Denmark, consort of Queen Anne, died of the dropsy, and their eldest son William, Duke of Gloucester, was cut off by a fever in his twelfth year. Their five other children all died in infancy, so that on the death of Anne, the Protestant line of the House of Stuart became extinct. Frederick Prince of Wales, eldest son of George II. died of an abscess in the lungs; and

CHAP. X.

his brother William Duke of Cumberland, the hero of Culloden, from the bursting of a blood vessel. Edward Duke of York, second son of the Prince of Wales and next brother of his late Majesty, died at Genoa of a malignant fever, in the 28th year of his age. His third and fourth brothers, the Dukes of Cumberland and Gloucester, also died in the prime of life; and his youngest brother Frederick at the early age of seventeen. The fate of his sister Matilda, the unfortunate Queen of Denmark, is well known: and the deaths which have occurred in the Royal family since that period, are too recent to require repetition.

Original Voyages.

Voyage to the Sandwich Islands; Superstitious Omen; Death of a Chief; Remark able Funeral Ceremonies, Taboo, and Customs connected with these Riles. Whymea-Different trading trips, to show the Nature of the Island Commerce.

OUR passage to the Sandwich Islands, was quick and pleasant. On the 6th of December we made Owhyhee, stood alongshore towards Toyhoybay, and ran in. Finding no natives came off, we sent the whale-boat on shore to learn the reason. The boat soon returned with an account that the natives were celebrating their annual festival, called Muckka-hitee. This festival lasts a month, during which time a canoe is not allowed to go on salt water. We also heard, that king Tameameah was then at the village of Tyroa, his favourite residence; we made all sail for that place, where we arrived on the 10th, and came too with our only bower anchor off the Morai.

On the 24th of December, the Muckkahitee being over, the king's prime minister, named Kreymokoo, commonly called Pitt, came on board with all the chiefs, accompanied by John Young, to inspect the vessel, previous to their purchasing of her. They seemed much astonished at our large battery guns; we got one on deck, and, mounting it, fired several rounds of shot, at which the chiefs were much pleased, and the natives crowded from all parts

of the island to see the poo'nu'ee, as they call a great gun. They were all very particular in measuring its length, breadth, and size of the bore. After the chiefs had carefully inspected every part of the brig, John Young was asked his opinion of her. He told Mr. Pitt she would answer their purpose very well. Kreymokoo upon this agreed to give twice the full of the vessel of sandal-wood for her, to be delivered in a space of time not exceeding six months, and that we should hold possession of the vessel till all the wood was delivered, and that we were to be found in provisions while we remained on the island. An agreement was drawn up and signed by Captain Jennings and Kreymokoo. The next day being Christmas day, we invited all the chiefs and respectable white men on the island to dine with us on shore; we spent a most pleasant day, and the chiefs remained with us to a late hour. We had a dinner cooked apart for the chiefs' wives, as they were not allowed to eat with men. Next day we took on board the king's taxes, and January 11th. 1818, we sailed for Owhyhee, the brig loaded with provisions and cloth of the country, this being the time at which the natives pay their halfyear's taxes.

We had also a number of chiefs on board, and about 400 natives, men, women, and children. There was scarcely room to move on

the decks or in the cabin; even the chains, tops, and bowsprit were crowded with them. We touched at Mowee, where they all landed for a few days, and nothing went forward but feasting and rejoicing. On the 16th, the chiefs again came on board, and we got underweigh for Owhyhee, the ship, as before, full of natives. In crossing the channel, between Mowee and Owhyhee, we were near upsetting the vessel, being top heavy, from the number of them on deck and about the rigging. On the 18th, we anchored off Tyroa, and Tameameah came on board. On his approach, all the natives jumped overboard, and left us clear decks. We commenced firing a salute, when the king called out to us, in a pleasant tone, to stop, as the powder was now his, and he wanted it for other purposes, probably for the Russians, if they should come to trouble him. He was delighted with the large guns; and the natives came on board, as at Woahoo, to see the poo'nu'ee. Their fame was soon spread over the island, but the next day we landed them, and by that means got rid of the curious natives; they were placed in a square in front of the royal residence, where thousands of the people where daily collected to look at them. Tameameah found one fault with them, which was, that they took too much powder, (a charge being 4lbs.) but he took all our small arms, powder, and every thing he thought would be useful to him, and made the brig over to his son and heir Rieo Rieo. On the 26th of January, we sailed from Owhyhee towards Mowee, with our usual eargo of natives; next day we anchored in Lehina-Roads, and took on board the king's taxes, and made sail for Woahoo. In our passage down, during the night, a star shot very vividly-the natives gave a sudden scream, and told us that the star shooting foretold the death of an Owhyhee chief. On the 1st of February we arrived at Woahoo; in crossing the reef the brig took the ground, but was soon lightened by the natives jumping overboard and swimming on shore. About a week after our arrival, a chief, named Tereacoo died suddenly; he went to bed well over night, and in the morning got up,

and, according to custom, smoked a pipe, after which he lay down and died. All the natives were immediately taboed, or prohibited from going on the water; they all appeared to be in great grief, crying and making a dreadful noise. They commenced knocking out their teeth, cutting off their hair, and burning their flesh with the bark of a tree; both men and women going about naked to demonstrate their grief.

On the death of the chief, the priests assembled; they fenced the house in for about fifty yards square with wands, having white flags flying on them. None of the natives dare come inside this fence, though several thousands of them were collected round it. There was a large fire made on the outside of the house and inside of the fence or prohibited space; the priests then began cutting up the body. They brought the heart out, and set it in the fire, praying very devoutly while it was burning; after which they collected the ashes, put them into a calabash, or gourd, slung it to a pole, and spread a beauti ful feather cloak over it. Then two of the chiefs, Hikanees, or confidential men, took the pole on their shoulders, and ran towards the water, crying out very loud, "Nolio, noho!" (which means sit or lie down ;) as these men passed, all the natives lay down and stripped themselves. They walked up to their middle in water, and deposited the ashes; afterwards the liver and all the inside were treated in the same manner. At sundown this part of the ceremony ceased, and a crier went round the village, calling out, that if any man, woman, or child, were seen out of their houses, or showed a light or fire, or even smoked a pipe, after 8 o'clock that evening, they would instantly be put to death. These restrictions extended not only to the white people, but even to the ships in the harbour; nay, hogs, dogs, fowls, &c. were not allowed to be out, lest they should make a noise, nor were the ships suffered to strike the bells next mornings

At sunrise the Taboo was taken off the ships, but still remained in force on shore. This day the priests were em

ployed burning the flesh off the bones, and scraping them quite clean; the bones were then carefully packed up, and a large double canoe despatched with them to Owhyhee. Six hours after the canoe sailed, the Taboo was taken off the bay, and canoes were allowed to go on the water;-in this manner they employ ceremonies towards all the people of rank. The common people dig up the bones of their relatives after the flesh is rotted from them, scrape and clean them well, wrap them up in cloth, put them into calabashes of gourds, and hang them up in their houses.

We lay in the harbour until the 17th of March, 1818, without any thing particular occurring, until that day, when we received orders from Tameameah to proceed to the island Atooi for a cargo of sandal-wood. Teymotoo, or Cox, with several other chiefs, came on board. We made sail, and on the following day came too in Whymea Roads. One mile from the village, the English ensign was displayed on a very fine fort, mounting about thirty guns; the natives came off in great numbers; they informed us that the Russians had built the fort, in which there were dungeons, and had actually gone so far as to confine some white men and natives. The Russians advised Tamooree, king of Atooi, to shake off Tameameah's yoke, and declare war against him, in which they would assist him; they made him a present of a schooner, and he gave them in return a large tract of land. Tama'honreeranee, the head chief under Tamooree, was averse to these proceedings. The Russians wished to send Tamooree to Petersburgh, but could never get him on board. At length Tamooree discoverd that they wished to possess themselves of the island; he consulted with his chiefs, returned their schooner, (which they refused,) and ordered them on board their ships, three of which were lying in a snug harbour at the west end of the island. They resisted, and a scuffle ensued, in which three Russians and several natives were killed, but the latter at last forced them on board, and Doctor Shefham made his escape to 2X

ATHENEUM VOL. 10.

Canton in an American vessel. The Russian ships went to Norfolk Sound. This fort does great credit to the engineer; it is situate on a high point at the entrance of the river, and protects the whole town. The king, chiefs, and about 150 warriors live within it, and keep a regular guard; they have a number of white men for the purpose of working the guns, &c.

Our chiefs landed, and were well received by Tamooree; and the next morning they commenced sending wood on board. About 500 canoes were employed in bringing it off, and by the 25th of March we had the ship quite full. The king behaved extremely well, and sent us off plenty of hogs and vegetables. Our chiefs came on board, as did also some Atooi chiefs. We weighed and made sail for Woahoo, where we anchored the next day, landed our wood, and lay until the 19th, when we took on board a cargo of salt for the west end of Woahoo. Next day we sailed for Whymea-bay, on the west end of the island, to get another cargo of wood. In our passage we touched at Wyeni, and took on board some wood and hogs. We lay here for a few days, then sailed along shore for Whymea, where we arrived on the 23rd, threw our ballast out, and took on board a full cargo of wood in thirtysix hours-more than 200 canoes employed in bringing it off, day and night. We weighed and made sail for Honorora, where we arrived on the 28th, and sent the wood on shore and stored. On the 2nd of ditto, we hauled down the English colours, and hoisted the island colours, saluting them with seven guns; we then gave the ship up to Kreymokoo, or Pitt, and went on shore to the houses prepared for our reception. It was with the greatest regret I left the ship, for it seemed as if I had lost my home; and in fact it was some time before I felt myself at all comfortable. I had sailed on board the Columbia from August, 1813, to May, 1818, a period of nearly five years; when she left England, the crew consisted of twenty-five persons, and when we sold the vessel at these islands, the steward and a black man (who had

been for several years with me in the West-India trade and myself were all that remained, and even these left before the vessel was given up. Our houses were the largest and most pleasantly situated of any in the village, and fronting the harbour; (they were built by four different villages, each taking a house to build and furnish,) and quite finished in three days. They consisted of two sleeping houses and two eat ing-houses, (the one for women and the other for men ;) the sleeping-houses and women's eating-house were surrounded by a fence fifty yards square; the men's eating-house was outside of this fence, but fenced in in like manner, with a door that led from the sleepinghouse fence to it. The houses are built in the following manner: they begin by driving stakes in the ground eight feet high and three feet apart, forked at the upper ends, in which forks are laid handsome straight poles; the ridge-pole is raised by temporary stakes, the rafters are forked at the lower ends, which rest on the forks of the uprights; the upper ends of the rafters cross each other on the ridge-pole, and are well lashed to it; a second ridge-pole is now

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placed in the cross of the rafters above the first one, to which it is well lashed ; they then tie on neat twigs or canes, in the manner of laths, and thatch the house all over with dry grass or leaves of the tee-root. There was a door and two windows in the end. The interiors were beat down quite hard, and a quantity of rushes strewed smooth, and well covered with a large coarse mat, made the size of the house, above which others were laid of a finer quality. At one end was built a large bed-place, stuffed with dry grass, and covered neatly with mats. Along each side were built sofas, stuffed and covered the same as the bed, to keep which out of sight there was a light partition. In front of the house was built a raini, or shed, covered with the branches of cocoa-nut-trees, and here also a sofa was built.

The square in front of the house was strewed each morning with green rushes. We had a man from Tameameah who acted as steward, and whose business it was to find us in every thing we wanted. We had also a watchman to walk round the houses at night, to give the alarm of fire, which happens frequently.

(Blackwood's Magazine.)

THE BURIED

HAD been for some time ill of a low and lingering fever. My strength gradually wasted, but the sense of life seemed to become more and more acute as my corporeal powers became weaker. I could see by the looks of the doctor that he despaired of my recovery; and the soft and whispering sorrow of my friends, taught me that I had nothing to hope.

One day towards the evening, the crisis took place.-I was seized with a strange and indescribable quivering,— a rushing sound was in my ears,—I saw around my couch innumerable strange faces; they were bright and visionary, and without bodies. There was light, and solemnity, and I tried to move, but could not. For a short time a terrible confusion overwhelmed me, and when it passed off, all my recollection returned with the most per

ALIVE.

fect distinctness, but the power of mo tion had departed. I heard the sound of weeping at my pillow-and the voice of the nurse say, "He is dead.”—I cannot describe what I felt at these words.-I exerted my utmost power of volition to stir myself, but I could not move an eyelid. After a short pause my friend drew near; and sobbing, and convulsed with grief, drew his hand over my face, and closed my eyes. The world was then darkened, but I still could hear, and feel,and suffer.

When my eyes were closed, I heard by the attendants that my friend had left the room, and I soon after found, the undertakers were preparing to habit me in the garments of the grave. Th thoughtlessness was more awful than the grief of my friends. They laughed at one another as they turned me from side to side, and treated what they be

lieved a corpse, with the most appalling ribaldry.

When they had laid me out, these wretches retired, and the degrading formality of affected mourning commenced. For three days, a number of friends called to see me.-I heard them, in low accents, speak of what I was; and more than one touched me with his finger. On the third day, some of them talked of the smell of corruption

in the room.

The coffin was procured-I was lifted and laid in—My friend placed my head on what was deemed its last pillow,and I felt his tears drop on my face. When all who had any peculiar interest in me, had for a short time looked at me in the coffin, I heard them retire; and the undertaker's men placed the lid on the coffin, and screwed it down. There were two of them

pre

sent-one had occasion to go away before the task was done. I heard the fellow who was left begin to whistle as he turned the screw-nails; but he checked himself, and completed the

work in silence.

I was then left alone,-every one shunned the room.-I knew, however, that I was not yet buried; and though darkened and motionless, I had still hope;-but this was not permitted long. The day of interment arrived -I felt the coffin lifted and borne away -I heard and felt it placed in the hearse.—There was a crowd of people around; some of them spoke sorrowfully of me. The hearse began to

move-I knew that it carried me to the grave. It halted, and the coffin was taken out-I felt myself carried on shoulders of men, by the inequality of motion-A pause ensued-I heard the coffin moved-I felt it swing as dependent by them-It was lowered, and rested on the bottom of the grave-The cords were dropped upon the lid-I heard them fall.-Dreadful was the effort I then made to exert the power of action, but my whole frame was immoveable.

Soon after, a few handfuls of earth ere thrown upon the coffin-Then there was another pause-after which the shovel was employed, and the sound of the rattling mould, as it covered me,

was far more tremendous than thunder.
But I could make no effort. 'The
sound gradually became less and less,
and by a surging reverberation in the
coffin, I knew that the grave was filled
up, and that the sexton was treading in
the earth, slapping the grave with the
This too ceased, and
flat of his spade.
then all was silent.

I had no means of knowing the lapse of time; and the silence continued. This is death, thought I, and I am doomed to remain in the earth till the

resurrection. Presently the body will fall into corruption, and the epicurean worm, that is only satisfied with the flesh of man, will come to partake of the banquet that has been prepared for him with so much solicitude and care. In the contemplation of this hideous thought, I heard a low and undersound in the earth over me, and I fancied that the worms and reptiles of death were coming-that the mole and the rat of the grave would soon be upon me. The sound continued to grow louder and nearer. Can it be possible, I thought, that my friends suspect they have buried me too soon? The hope was truly like light bursting through the gloom of death.

The sound ceased, and presently I felt the hands of some dreadful being working about my throat. They dragged me out of the coffin by the head. I felt again the living air, but it was piercingly cold; and I was carried swiftly away-I thought to judgment, perhaps perdition.

When borne to some distance, I was then thrown down like a clod-it was not upon the ground. A moment after I found myself on a carriage; and, by the interchange of two or three brief sentences, I discovered that I was in the hands of two of those robbers who live by plundering the grave, and selling the bodies of parents, and children, and friends. One of the men sung snatches and scraps of obscene songs, as the cart rattled over the pavement of the streets.

When it halted, I was lifted out, and I soon perceived, by the closeness of the air, and the change of temperature, that I was carried into a room; and, being rudely stripped of my shroud,

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