XLIX. 1792. CHAP. not return before the 1st of January, should be adjudged guilty of the same crimes, and suffer confiscation of their property. The king refused to ratify this decree, but The king endeavoured to reconcile the exiles to the French governges them to return. ment by admonition and persuasion: he repeatedly despatched letters to all the princes, earnestly entreating them to return he used his endeavours by a public proclamation, as well as all the private influence he possessed, to recal the emigrants to the bosom of their country, and to retain those who were inclined to emigrate. The French princes, in answer to the king's repeated letters, persisted in their refusal to acknowledge the constitution accepted by the king, and declared their views to be the reestablishment of the Roman catholic religion, and the restoration to the king of his liberty and legislative authority. The republican party, professing to think that the king secretly instigated the princes, endeavoured to excite in the nation a general mistrust of his intentions; and found their efforts so successful, that they were encouraged to proceed in executing their design of lessening the power of the king, and exalting their own on its ruins. The first step they took for the accomplishment of this end was, by all means to get rid of the usual marks of respect to his majesty's person. On the 6th of February 1792, Condorcet, appointed president, was ordered to write a letter to the king, in which he was directed to lay aside the title of “ Rapid di minution of the king's power. General character of the French na tion, vio lent pas sions, ardour of pursuit, and energy of action, your majesty." The lowest rabble were permitted, and even encouraged, to resort to the palace, and revile the royal family in the most gross and profligate terms. THE national character of Frenchmen appeared totally changed: that people which for so many ages had been distinguished for loyalty and religious zeal, now eagerly trampled on every remnant of monarchy or hierarchy. But the change was really much less in the constituents than in the direction of their character. The French nation has ever been distinguished for ardour of sensibility to the passion of the times: whatever objects, prevailing opinions, or sentiments proposed, they pursued with an energy, rapidity, and impetuosity, which naturally and necessarily produced excess. In whatever they sought, ager for preeminence, they ran into extremes: the same XLIX. character their re democrat siasm. species of character which, in the sixteenth century, took CHAP. the lead in augmenting the domination of priests, in the seventeenth century in extending the power of kings, in 1792. the eighteenth was preeminent in enlarging the sway of The same atheists and levellers. Prompt in invention, and powerful appears in in intelligence; fertile in resources, and energetic in exe- ligious, cution, the efforts of the French, whithersoever directed, loyal, and never failed to be efficacious. Readily susceptible of im- ical enthu pression, they were alive to sympathy. Sentiments and opinions were very rapidly communicated: what Frenchmen seek, they seek in a body. The same national character which supported the catholic league, and spread the glory and power of Lewis XIV. now overthrew the monarchy. To render the king obnoxious, as well as to increase the means of force, the republicans repeated the reports of a confederacy of despots, declared their disbelief of Leopold's pacific professions, and procured a decree of the assembly, demanding satisfaction for the alleged treaty of Pilnitz. The jacobin clubs, their pamphleteers, Progress of republi journalists, and other agents of confusion and anarchy, canism. rang the changes on the treaty of Pilnitz, and affirmed that there was in the palace a junto, which they called an Austrian committee; and of which De Gessan, the king's minister for foreign affairs was alleged to be a leading member. At a public trial of one of the journalists for asserting the existence of such a committee, he could bring no proof to support his assertion; nor was there ever any evidence adduced to give the smallest colour to the allegation. The royalists now counteracted the designs of the republicans with openness and boldness; they formed sev- Intrigues oral projects for rescuing the king through the agency of between the royalDanton, and some other outrageous democrats, who mani- ists and republican fested a disposition to betray their cause, if they found leaders, reachery more lucrative than their present violent adhe- from the emptiness rence, Danton, that furious republican, received a hundred of the thousand crowns for supporting motions really favourable royal cof to the king, though professedly inimical; but finding the unavailing, resources of the court inadequate to his desires, resumed his republicanism. It is also affirmed that Brissot offered i See Playfair's History of Jacobinism. fers are XLIX. 1792. CHAP. to betray his cause for a large sum of money, but that the court being either unwilling or unable to afford the bribe required by this patriot, he persevered in his republican career. A plan was concerted for effecting the king's escape to the coast of Normandy, which province was attached to his majesty. His flight, it is believed, would have been practicable; but the character of the king, mild and benevolent, without active enterprise, was little fitted to profit by these opportunities. His departure from Paris would, he thought, annihilate the monarchical constitution which he had sworn to protect; and expose all his adherents, declared or even suspected throughout France, The king to the infuriate cruelty of dominant licentiousness. From refuses to these considerations the king refused to attempt his escape. his escape. Understanding reports to have been circulated that he was attempt projecting to leave Paris; to contradict these he wrote a letter to the national assembly, in which he fully explained his sentiments, views, and intentions. The friends of the king, and even of limited monarchy, regretted his unwillingness to venture any step that might rescue him from a situation in which he was so degraded and insulted. They conceived that the object was well worthy of the risk; and that the danger of flight was only doubtful, whereas the danger of continuance was, if not immediate, Different at least certain. Of the emigrants, the princes desired the restitution of the old government, but the majority of the grant prin exiled nobles and gentry desired the establishment of a the nobles; moderate and limited monarchy. Foreign powers were of foreign also divided on this subject. Russia, Spain, and Sweden, potentates. proposed to restore the ancient monarchy. Prussia was views of the emi ces and of somewhat favourable to this opinion, but would not interfere actively, without the cooperation of Leopold. The emperor continued friendly to peace until the conduct of the French government proved to him its determination to disturb tranquillity. They still withheld satisfaction for their usurpations in Lorraine and Alsace. They threatened with hostility the elector of Treves, and alleged various pretexts for their displeasure; but chiefly, his expres k See Playfair's History of Jacobinism. 1 Persons thoroughly acquainted with Brissot, declare that avarice was no part of his character; and as Mr. Playfair brings no proofs of his assertion, disbelieve it as improbable. m State Papers, February 17th, 1792. XLIX. 1792 between ment and of Treves. the empe ror, and rights. The death of the empe sion of doubts respecting the freedom of the king, and CHAP. permission given to French emigrants to assemble in his dominions. French troops having approached the fron tiers of Treves, and menacing his territories, the elector Disputes applied for protection to the emperor. This prince, as head the French of the Germanic body, proposed to the other princes of governthe empire, an extensive plan of defensive confederation, the elector for mutual and reciprocal security against French aggres. The prinsion, and ordered marshal Bender to march to the defence ces of the empire, of Treves. The French government, in a style rather headed by menacing than conciliatory, demanded an explanation of the emperor's intentions. The answer of Leopold, though supported by Prussia, firm, was still pacific, and disavowed every intention of form a conaggressive hostility. Meanwhile the emperor died very for defendfederacy suddenly" at Vienna. Francis, his son and successor, ing their declared his intention to persevere in the pacific plan of Sudden his father, but to be prepared for defensive war. French government catagorically demanded a declaration ror. of Francis's intentions, and received a reply announcing the existence of a concert for the purposes of defence, but not invasion. As the discussion proceeded, it became progressively more hostile, and both sides prepared for war. Catharine, operating on the heroic mind of the Swedish king Gustavus, had induced him, so early as the summer of 1791, to join in a project for the relief of Lewis, even if the emperor and Prussia kept aloof; and Spain soon after had acceded to this design. Gustavus betaking himself to Coblentz, conferred with the exiled princes and nobility; and, encouraged by Catharine, prepared an army which he was to head. He consulted Leopold and Frederic William, but found both unwilling to embark in so Preparavery hazardous a project. He, however, made dispositions for proceeding in his undertaking without their cooperation, and was preparing to conduct an armament which should make a descent on the coast of France, and cooperate with the royalists, when, on the 16th of March 1792, n After an illness of two days, which by many was ascribed to poison; but there was never any proof of this assertion o See State Papers, from January to March 1792. Correspondence between the ambassadors and ministers of France and Austria, at Paris and Vienna ; especially the letters to and from count Kaunitz. p Bouille, chapters xii, and xiii. tion of the king of Sweden. 1792. tion of that heroic prince. CHAP. being at a masquerade in his capital, from the hands of XLIX. Ankerstroem, a disaffected nobleman, who, with others, had plotted against his life, he received a wound which Assassina proved mortal. He for twelve days languished in agonizing pain; but retaining the use of his faculties, very ably and completely arranged his affairs; left wise and beneficial directions to his youthful son, and breathed his last on the 28th of March, in the forty-eighth year of his age, and twenty-first of his reign ; a prince for genius and heroism rarely surpassed, and not often equalled, even in the glorious annals of Swedish kings. The confederacy of princes which Gustavus and Catharine first proposed for modelling the government of France, without regard to the voice of the people, did not actually take place, yet a different concert, originating chiefly in the imperious and violent conduct of France herself, was unavoidably formed. Dumourier, now foreign minister, in dictatorial terms required both from the courts of Berlin and Vienna the ment de- disavowal of any concert inimical to France, and the discontinuance of protection to the French emigrants. The answers of Prussia and Austria proposed a general-prinvowal of a ciple as the basis of tranquillity; that the French should not consider themselves, as from their revolution, entitled to violate the rights of other powers. They therefore stated tranquillity three subjects, on which they demanded satisfaction; first, proposed by Francis that a compensation should be given to the princes possesand Frede- sioned in Lorraine and Alsace. Secondly, that satisfac The French govern, mands of Austria and Prussia the disa concert hostile to France. Basis of ric Wil liam. tion should be rendered to the pope for the county of Avignon. Thirdly, that the government of France should have a sufficient power to repress whatever might give uneasiness to other states." Dumourier replied that the king of Hungary had no concern in these discussions, repeated in still stronger terms the demand of the French. government, and denounced war unless the answer was categorical and speedy. The two German potentates adhering war against to their former replies, the national assembly, on the 20th of April, declared war against the king of Hungary and Bohemia, and soon after, against the king of Prussia. French declare Austria and Prussia. S q On the sudden fall of these two princes, Tom Paine exultingly observed, "See how kings are melting away r See State Papers, April 5th, 1792. s State Papers, April 5th, 1792. |